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Photographic 

Sciences 
Corporation 


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CIHM/ICMH 

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a 


n 


a 


n 


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I~~]    Covers  damaged/ 


Couverture  endommagte 


Covers  restored  and/or  laminated/ 
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This  item  is  filmed  at  the  reduction  ratio  checked  below/ 

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10X  14X  18X  22X 


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La  bIbliothAque  des  Archives 
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conformity  avec  les  conditions  du  contrat  de 
fllmege. 

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par  le  premier  plat  et  en  termlnant  soit  par  la 
dernlAre  page  qui  comporte  une  empreinte 
d'impresslon  ou  d'llcustration,  solt  par  le  second 
plat,  salon  le  ces.  Tous  les  autres  exemplaires 
orlgino'ix  sont  film6s  en  commenpant  par  la 
premlAre  page  qui  comporte  une  empreinte 
d'impresslon  ou  d'illustration  et  en  termlnant  par 
la  dernlAre  page  qui  comporte  une  telle 
empreinte. 

Un  des  symboles  suivants  apparattra  sur  la 
dernlAre  Image  de  cheque  microfiche,  selon  le 
cas:  le  symbols  -^  signlfle  "A  SUIVRE",  le 
symbols  y  signlfle  "FIN". 

Les  cartes,  planches,  tableaux,  etc.,  peuvent  Atre 
fllmte  A  des  taux  de  reduction  diff Arents. 
Lorsque  le  document  est  trop  grand  pour  Atre 
reproduit  en  un  seul  cllchA,  11  est  filmA  A  partir 
de  I'engle  supArleur  gauche,  de  gauche  A  droite, 
et  de  haut  en  bas,  en  prenent  le  nombre 
d'Images  nAcesssire.  Les  diagrammes  suivants 
illustrent  la  mAthode. 


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Floyd.- 
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—17   S 


SUTHERLAND'S 

POLITICAL  LETTERS, 

ADDRESSED  TO  Dr.  NELSON. 


Diagram  of  the  Battle  of  Tippecanoe. 

(see  letter  no.  in.) 


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1  Prescott,  3  Sndling,  5  Larabee,  7  Hawkins,  TJ.  S.  inf.  commanded  by  Major 
Floyd.— 2  Brown,  4  Uook,  6  Peters,  8  Harton,  U,  S.  inf.  con:imanded  by  Captain 
Baen.— 9  Scott,  11  Albright,  Indiana  militia,  rommanded  by  Major  Redmond— 
10  Warwick,  12  Wilson,  13  Hargrove,  14  Wilkins,  commanded  l)y  Lieut.  Col. 
Decker. — 15  Robb,  16  Geijier,  mounted  riflemen,  commanded  by  Major  Wells, 

— 17   Spencer,  mounted  rirtomcn,  commanded  by  Capt.  Spencer. — 18  ,  19 

,  20  Parke,  dragoons,  commanded  by  Major  Daviess. 


NEW-YORK. 

1840. 


'mt' 


■^ 


LA 


THREE 


POLITICAL   LETTERS, 


ADDRESSED   TO 


Dr.  WOLFRED  NELSON, 


LATE  OF  LOWER  CANADA,  NOW  OF  PLATTSBURGH,  N.  Y. 


BY   TH:  JEFFERSON  SUTHERLAND. 


m 


NEW-YORK. 

1810. 


LETTER  No.  I. 


New- York,  June  4, 1840. 
To  Dr.  WoLFRED  Nelsox, 

Late  of  Lower  Canada,  novo  of  Platlshurgh,  N,  Y. : 

Dear  Sir — A  gentleman  who  professes  to  reside  in  Clinton 
county,  and  to  be  acquainted  with  you,  has  just  informed  me 
that  you  are  now  engaging  yourself  in  active  measures  for  the 
support  of  the  political  party  in  our  country,  denominated  and 
known  as  British  Whigs ;  and  that  you  arp  employing  your  in- 
fluence with  the  people  among  whom  you  reside,  in  order  to  in- 
duce them,  at  the  coming  election,  to  cast  their  votes  for  Gene- 
ral Harrison,  and  such  other  candidates  as  shall  be  proposed  by 
the  British  Whig  party,  which  has  put  him  in  nomination. 

Robbed  of  your  property  and  driven  from  your  homes  by  a 
merciless  British  Government,  you  and  others  of  your  country- 
men have  sought  an  asylum  within  the  borders  of  these  states, 
where,  by  the  blessings  of  Divine  Providence,  who  made  power- 
ful the  arm  of  our  forefathers,  and  gave  liberty  to  our  country, 
the  poor  subject  escaping  from  the  dungeon  of  the  despot,  and 
no  longer  dreading  the  nand  of  his  oppressor,  may  set  himself 
flown  in  quiet  beside  the  banished  noble,  and  the  dethroned  mo- 
narch, who  here  reside,  fearless  of  the  machinations  of  a  corrupt 
court,  or  the  waking  vengeance  of  an  injured  people — and,  here 
you  have  the  undoubted  right  to  attach  yourself  to  whichever  of 
ouf  political  parties  your  judgment  or  your  partiality  may  di- 
rect, and  it  is  not  for  me  to  say  where,  or  where  nci,  you  shall 
use  your  influence.  Yet,  sir,  as  we  are  now  engaged  in  a  politi- 
cal contest  of  no  ordinary  importance — but  one  of  the  deepest 
interest  not  only  to  ourselves,  but  to  those  who  shall  follow  after 
us,  and  in  which,  as  I  conceive,  are  put  in  issue  the  funda- 
mental principles  of  democracy,  and  the  question  whether  we 
shall  longer  remain  as  a  free  republic,  with  plain  and  simple 
laws,  formed  in  accordance  with  democratic  principles,  and  ha- 
ving  effect  alike  upon  the  rich  and  the  poor — or  whether  we  are 
thus  soon  to  be  deprived  of  them  and  forced  to  accept  of  a  gilded 
tyrannous  aristocracy,  who  would  tread  us  to  the  earth,  I  think 
myself  justified  in  the  course  1  have  assumed. 


1 

M 


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1 


f 


It  is  but  recently  I  saw  you  struggling  for  the  liberties  of  your 
own  country,  and  with  your  sword,  endeavoring,  as  I  supposed, 
to  establish  in  the  Canadas  an  independent  democratic  form  of 
government,  instead  of  the  wicked  and  unjust  colonial  syi^tem, 
which  was  then,  and  is  now  still  maintained  therein  by  the  bayo< 
nets  of  the  British  nation  ;  and  then,  being,  as  I  am,  an  ardent 
admirer  of  democratic  institutions,  and  an  enthusiastic  advocate 
ot  political  freedom — and  being  moved  in  your  behalf — and  with 
the  desire  to  obtain  the  small  share  of  applause  which  might 
chance  to  accrue  to  one  of  the  humble  agents  in  the  erection  of 
another  independent  republic  on  the  continent  of  America,  1  put 
on  my  sword  and  joined  the  people  of  your  country  with  a  view 
to  give  you  aid :  and,  therefore,  I  believe  it  proper  for  me  to  in- 
quire at  this  time  whether  you  are  now  mistaken  in  your  course 
—or,  if  I  have  been  deceived  as  to  your  intentions. 

You  having  once  embarked  in  the  effort  to  achieve  the  inde- 
pendence of  your  country,  and  having  staked  your  fortune  and 
your  life  in  the  cause,  I  am  not  willing  to  believe  you  have  aban- 
doned that  cause ;  and  I  must  suppose  you  still  to  entertain  the 
hope  that  your  country,  at  no  very  distant  day,  will  be  able,  in 
despite  of  the  enemies  of  liberty  on  this  side  of  the  St.  Lawrence, 
and  the  British  power  on  the  other,  to  assume  a  station  among 
the  independent  nations  of  the  earth.  I  must,  also,  believe  that, 
at  the  present  moment,  in  all  your  public  acts,  you  have  in  view 
to  promote  the  liberation  of  the  Canadas  from  British  thraldom ; 
and  I  cannot  suppose  that  you  and  your  compatriots  in  your  late 
effort  to  rid  yourselve.  of  the  odious  domination  of  Great  Bri- 
tain, had  nothing  save  independence  for  your  country  in  view- 
but  must  still  entertain  the  belief  that  the  object  of  the  strus^gle 
you  commenced,  was  to  raise  up  democratic  institutions  upon 
the  ruins  of  British  tyranny.  Had  I  believed  it  your  intention  to 
establish  any  other  form  of  government  in  the  Canadas  than 
that  of  a  representative  democracy — and  that  you  had  design- 
ed merely  to  rid  the  people  of  your  country  from  one  hateful  evil, 
that  you  might  saddle  them  with  another  as  grievous,  I  should 
never  have  been  with  you. 

There  has  been  some  opportunity  afibrded  me  to  acquire  an 
intimate  knowledge  of  the  affairs  of  the  Canadas,  and  from  such 
knowledge,  I  am  satisfied  that  neither  peace,  repose,  nor  prospe- 
rity can  be  hoped  for  in  them,  while  those  provinces  are  under 
British  Colonial  rule.  The  parasites  of  present  power  will  there 
hold  on  to  their  offices  and  sinecures  with  such  tenacity,  that 
nothing  shall  sever  their  hold  but  that  instrument  with  which 
Alexander  cut  the  gordian  knot — the  sword.  Nothing  but  vio- 
lent means  can  give  to  the  Canadian  people  a  government,  or 
put  an  end  to  the  trampling  upon  their  rights  by  British  tyrants ! 


And  is  not  political  liberty  worth  fighting  for — and  the  freedom 
of  a  nation  a  propel  justitication  for  an  appeal  to  arms?  That 
it  is  so,  the  majority  of  the  people  of  this  country  will  bear  wit- 
ness. Yet,  if  no  better  change  could  be  hoped  for  the  €anada8 
than  has  been  obtained  for  Greece,  I  must  confess  that  my  inte- 
rest, or  at  least  my  interference,  as  well  as  that  of  the  democra- 
tic part  of  my  countrymen,  would  be  most  likely  withheld.  A 
Christianas  dungeon  is  a  matter  of  the  same  kind  with  a  Maho- 
metan's bowstrmg — nor  is  a  Prince's  sword  ot  less  abhorrence 
than  a  Pacha's  scimetar,  to  an  American  freeman. 

If,  as  I  have  supposed,  you  are  desirous  of  establishing  for 
yonr  own  country  a  democratic  form  of  government,  from  whom 
in  this  country,  allow  me  to  inquire,  do  you  expect  sympathy  and 
support  for  your  people  ?  Can  you  expect  to  find  any  honest 
feeling  in  your  behalf,  resting  with  the  British  Whigs  of  our 
country  ?  Do  you  hope  for  assistance  from  that  portion  of  our 
people  who  have  put  forward  General  Harrison  as  an  available 
candidate  for  the  Presidency  ?(1.)    That  you  cannot,  I  believe 

( 1. )  Copy  of  a  Letter  from  the  Chairman  of  the  Central  Committee  of  the 
British  Whig  Young  Alen  of  the  State  of  New- York,  accompanying  a 
Circular  distributed  just  previous  to  the  nomination  of  General  Hani> 
Don  for  the  Presidency. 

"  Albany,  Oct.  23, 1839. 
"  To  THE  Editor  of  the  Sangamon  Journal: 

"  Dear  Sir:— (  send  you  [confidentially]  a  Circular  which  is  circu> 
iating  here,  and  is  producing  great  effect.  Mr.  Clay  cannot  possibly  get 
(his  State,  or  New-England.  Our  only  hope  is  in  Gen.  Harrison,  wlio 
is  perfectly  unexceptionable,  and  has  no  serious  opposition  to  him  on  any 
possible  ground.  Tlie  lenders  do  nut  feel,  perhaps,  as  sure  of  getting 
paid  f  >r  their  services  as  with  other  candidates  who  have  impliedly  come 
into  their  views.  But  we  can  make  a  glorious  rally  under  Aw  batmer.and 
reach  the  hearts  of  the  people,  with  his  services  and  virtues.  Gen.  Scott 
has  been  pushed  by  a  few  Anti-CIaymen,  but  it  is  all  nonsense.  I  send 
you  a  pamphlet  which  is  also  circulating  here,  and  which  shows  that  no 
Jackson  men  or  Clintonians  can  or  will  support  him.  The  great  point 
now  is  to  have  the  public  voice  indicate  a  preference,  or  there  may  be  fh- 
lal  mistakes  made  at  Harrisburg.  I  am  the  Chairman  of  the  State  Cen- 
tral Committee  of  Young  Men,  but  do  not  speak  officially.  I  should  like 
to  forward  some  papers  and  letters  to  your  delegates,  but  their  residence 
is  not  mentioned.  Will  you  publish  their  residence  and  send  me  a  paper? 
'Youra  truly,  S.  DE  WITT  BLOODGOOD." 

Extract  from  the  Circulate 

["  Confidkntial."] 

''Our  party  leaders  want  sagacity,  or  as  I  prefer  styling  it,  philosophy. 
They  act  as  if  mankind  were  always  actuated  by  the  best  motives,  and 
that  the  holding  ap  an  abstract  truth,  is  the  pledge  of  victory.  Not  so, 
Nations,  like  individuals,  often  rush  blindly  to  ruin,  from  passion,  pr^u- 
ilice,  ambition,  and  many  other  causes.  It  is  in  vain  to  opp«se  their  will 
when  they  take  a  particular  bias.    They  who  attempt  it  are  sacrificed, 


I( 


yon  will  be  made  to  understand,  ft  Is  our  democracy  afofTt*  wh9 
will  give  you  support.  Tlioso  who  compose  the  British  Whig' 
party  cannot  favor  a  revolution  in  the  Canadas,  without  violating 
their  own  principles,  and  assailing  the  policy  of  their  party — a* 
any  revolntion  in  the  Canadas,  to  be  succeoslul,  must  be  carried 
on  with  a  view  not  less  for  the  establishment  of  a  free  represen- 
tative republic— than  for  independence. 

By  consulting  the  pages  of  our  history,  you  will  be  informed 
that  when  the  people  of  this  country  assumed  the  sword,  nnd 
stood  forth  upon  their  rights — when  they  took  the  field  against 
British  tyranny  and  the  despotism  of  colonial  rule,  the  object  for 
which  they  united  in  their  struggle,  was  independence.  Thnt 
then  the  experiment  of  a  free  democratrc  government  had  not 
been  tried — and  that  when  independence  was  gained  for  our 
country,  our  people  were  by  no  means  unanhnous  in  its  adop- 
tion. While  they  had  all,  alike,  entered  heartily  into  the  con- 
test for  independence,  one  part  were  for  a  democracy,  and  the 
other  for  an  aristocracy.  JefTerson,  Franklin,  and  otiiers,  enter- 
taining the  same  liberal  principles,  and  who  were  front  and  fore- 
most m  the  cause,  were  democrats,  and  battled  for  democracy (2*.) 


and  thus  history  tells  us  with  its  monitory  page,  of  the  downfall  of  patri- 
ots vainly  slrtrggting  against  their  erring  countrymen,  and  tinully  of  the 
downfall  of  the  masses  therasclven-  This  le  the  inw  of  nature  and  th« 
Viill  of  Provifdencer.  Let  us  also  apply  this  fact  to  politics.  We  cannot 
expect  pfrfectioii  in  the  people  at  large;  we  can  only  rely  on  their  gene- 
ral good  intentions,  sustained  by  a  consciousness  that  their  own  interest9 
indivixlually,  are  at  stake  with  those  of  the  mass.  When  they  are  right 
in  the  main,  it  is  as  much  as  we  shauld  expect.  We  cannot  hope  that 
they  will  cease  to  bo  men  in  order  to  please  us.  In  this  knowledge  coo- 
sists  the  tael  of  the  Administration  party.  T)>ey  studiously  seek  to  know 
the  public  will,  and  they  follow  it  long  enough  to  profit  by  its  force  and 
power.  How  adroitly  they  availed  themselves  of  the  popuUirity  of  Jack- 
son I  By  bad  measures  they  have  lust  much  of  its  advantnce,  and  by 
prosecuting  such  a  scheme  as  the  Sub-Treasury,  they  will  To»e  morQ. 
But  still  they  are  strongly  entrenched,  and  we  must  carry  their  entrench- 
ments, or  be  doomed  to  political  slavery.  How  can  this  be  done  ?  Only 
by  uniting  on  the  man  who  has  less  opposition  to  him  than  another.  Su- 
perior or  splendid  talents  or  exalted  claims  are  not  the  questioris  to  be  conai- 
dered." 

(2.)  Thomas  Jefferson  was  the  author  of  the  Declaration  of  Indepen- 
dence, and  its  sentiments  may  justly  be  considered  peculiarly  his.  Here 
are  the  principles  of  true  democracy,  viz: 

"  That  all  men  are  created  equal  ;  that  they  are  endowed  by  their  Cre- 
ator with  certain  innlienable  rights ;  that  among  these  are  hfc,  liberty, 
and  the  pursuit  of  happiness;  that  to  secure  these  rights,  governments 
are  instituted  among  mAi,  deriving  their  just  power*  from  the  consent  of 
the  governed:  that  whenever  any  form  of  government  becomes  destruc- 
tive of  these  ends,  it  is  the  right  of  the  people  to  alter  or  abolish  it,  and  to 
institute  a  new  government.  laying  the  foundation  on  snch  principles, 


tn- 


&8  well  as  independence,  v/hile  Adams,  Hamilton,  and  their  aa- 
sociates,  who  had  entered  into  the  cause  as  ardently  as  the  oth< 

nnd  organizing  itn  powers  in  such  form,  us  to  thorn  siiall  seem  moat  likely 
to  pfTuct  f'toir  safftty  and  happiness." 

These  principles  wore  upliold  by  the  truo  republicans  in  the  conven- 
tion fur  the  formation  of  our  constitution. 

(iEOROE  M\su(r  of  Virginia,  (pogo  7.'>4-.5  of  the  Madison  Papers,)  "  ar- 
f(ued  strongly  for  an  election  of  the  larger  branch  [of  tlio  legislature]  by 
the  people.  It  was  to  be  the  grand  depository  of  tho  democratic  principle 
of  the  government."  "  We  ought  to  attend  to  the  rights  of  every  class  of 
the  people."  "  Every  selfish  motive,  every  family  attachment,  ought  to 
recommend  such  a  system  of  policy  as  would  provide  no  less  carefully  for 
the  rights  and  happiness  of  the  lowest,  than  of  the  highest,  order  of  citi- 
zens." 

Again:  page  914,  "  He  took  this  occasion  to  repeat,  that,  notwithstand- 
ing his  solicitude  to  establish  a  national  government,  he  never  would 
agree  to  abolish  the  state  governments,  or  render  them  absolutely  insig- 
nificant. They  wore  as  necessary  as  the  general  government,  and  he 
would  bo  equally  careful  to  preserve  them." 

Again;  page  1209,  "  Having  for  his  primary  object — for  the  polar  star 
of  his  political  conduct — the  preservation  of  the  rights  of  the  people,  he 
held  it  as  on  essential  point,  as  the  very  palladium  of  civil  liberty,  that  the 
great  officers  of  state,  and  particularly  the  executive,  should  at  fixed  pe- 
riods return  to  that  mass  from  which  they  were  at  first  taken,  in  order  that 
they  may  feel  and  rerpoct  those  rights  and  interests  which  are  again  to  be 
personally  valuable  to  them." 

Mr.  Madison  (p.  755,)  "  Conpidered  the  popular  election  of  one  branch 
of  the  national  legislature  049  essential  to  every  plan  of  free  government.'' 

Mr.  Wilson  of  Pennsylvania,  page  801,  said:  "  He  wished  for  vigor  in 
the  government,  but  he  wished  that  vigorous  authority  to  flow  immedi- 
ately from  the  legitimate  source  of  all  authority.  The  government  ought 
to  possess,  not  only,  first,  tho  force,  but  sf  cond  the  mind  or  tense,  of  the 
people  at  large.  The  legislature  ought  to  be  the  most  exact  transcript 
of  the  whole  society.  Representation  is  made  necessary  only  because 
it  is  impossible  for  the  people  to  act  collectively." 

John  Dickinson,  of  Delaware,  page  1213,  said:  "He  doubted  the 
policy  of  interweoving  into  a  republican  constitution  a  veneration  for 
wealth.  He  had  always  understood  that  a  veneration  for  poverty  and 
virtue  were  the  objects  of  republican  encouragement." 

In  letter  117,  vol.  4.  of  his  correspondence,  Thomas  Jefferson  says: 
"  I  would  say,  that  the  people,  being  the  only  depository  of  power,  should 
exercise  in  person  every  function  which  their  qualifications  enable  them 
to  exercise  consistently  with  the  order  and  security  of  society;  that  we 
now  find  them  equal  to  the  election  of  those  who  shall  be  invested  with 
their  executive  and  legislative  powers,  and  to  act  themselves  in  the  judi- 
ciary, as  judges  in  questions  of  fact;  that  the  range  of  their  powers  ought 
to  be  enlarged,"  &c. 

Again:  letter  131,  "  On  this  view  of  the  import  of  the  term  Republic, 
instead  of  saying,  as  has  been  said,  '  that  it  may  mean  any  thing  or  no- 
thing,' we  may  say,  with  truth  and  meaning,  that  governments  are  more 
or  less  republican,  as  they  have  more  or  less  of  the  olemert  of  popular 
election  and  control  in  their  composition:  and  believing,  as  I  do,  that  the 
mass  of  the  citizens  ia  the  safest  depository  of  their  own  rights,  and  eape- 


8 


1 


-n 


era,  for  independence,  but  not  for  democracy,  were  aristocrats, 
and  in  favor  of  the  establishment  of  an  aristocratical  government 

cially  that  the  evils  flowing  from  the  duperies  of  the  people,  are  less 
injurious  than  those  from  the  egoism  of  their  agents,  I  am  a  friend  to  that 
composition  of  government  which  has  in  it  the  most  of  this  ingredient." 

Again,  letter  132  :  "  Our  legislators  are  not  sufliciently  apprised  of  the 
rightful  limits  of  their  powers,  that  their  true  office  is  to  declare  and  en- 
force only  our  natural  rights  and  duties,  to  take  none  of  theru  from  us.-— 
S'o  man  has  a  natural  rieht  to  commit  aggression  on  the  equal  rights  of 
another;  and  tiiis  is  all  from  which  the  laws  ought  to  restraiii  him: 
Every  man  is  under  the  natural  duty  of  contributing  to  the  necessities  of 
the  society,  and  this  is  all  the  laws  should  enforce  on  him :  And  no  man 
having  a  natural  right  to  be  the  judge  between  himself  and  another,  it 
is  his  natural  duty  to  submit  to  the  umpirage  of  an  impartial  third.  When 
thti  laws  have  declared  and  enforced  all  this,  they  havo  fulfilled  their 
functions,  and  the  idea  is  quite  unfounded,  that  on  entering  into  society 
we  give  up  any  natural  right." 

Again,  letter  135:  "  At  the  birth  of  onr  republic,  I  committed  that  opi* 
niou  to  the  world;  in  the  draft  of  a  constitution  annexed  to  the  Notes  on 
Virginia,  in  which  a  provision  was  inserted  for  a  representation  perma- 
nently equal.  The  infancy  of  the  fcubject  at  that  moment,  and  onr  inex- 
perience of  self-government,  occasioned  gross  departures  in  that  draft, 
from  genuine  republican  canons.  In  truth,  the  abuses  of  monarchy  had 
so  much  filled  all  the  space  of  political  contemplation,  that  we  imagined 
every  thing  republican  that  was  not  monarchy.  We  had  not  yet  pene- 
trated to  the  mother  principle,  that  '  governments  are  republican  only  in 
proportion  as  they  embody  the  will  of  their  people,  and  execute  it.' " — 
"  The  true  foundation  of  republican  government  is  the  equal  right  of 
every  citizen,  in  his  person  and  property,  and  in  their  management. 
Try  by  this,  as  a  tally,  every  provision  of  our  constitution,  and  see  if  it 
hangs  directly  on  the  will  of  the  people.  Reduce  your  legislature  to  a 
convenient  number  for  full,  but  orderly  discussion.  Let  every  man  who 
flghts  or  pays,  exercise  his  just  and  equal  right  in  their  election.  Sub- 
mit them  to  approbation  or  rejection  at  short  intervals.  Let  the  execu- 
tive be  chosen  in  the  same  way,  and  for  the  same  term,  by  those  whose 
age  .  he  is  to  be;  and  leave  no  screen  of  a  council  behind  which  to  Akulk 
from  responsibility." 

Again,  letter  149:  "It  should  bo  remembered,  as  an  axiom  of  eternal 
truth  in  politics,  that  whatever  power  in  any  government  is  independent, 
isabsolate  also;  in  theory  only,  at  first,  while  the  spirit  of  the  people  is 
up,  but  in  practice,  as  fast  as  that  relaxes.  Independence  can  be  trusted 
no  where  but  with  the  people  in  mass.  They  are  inherently  indepen- 
dent of  all  but  moral  law." 

Again,  letter  172:  "  Ours,  (the  object  of  the  republican  party,)  on  the 
contrary,  was  to  maintain  the  will  of  the  majority  of  the  convention,  and 
of  the  people  themselves.  We  believed,  with  them,  that  man  was  a  ra- 
tional animal,  endowed  by  nature  with  rights,  and  with  an  innate  sense 
of  justice;  and  that  he  could  be  restrained  from  wrong  and  protected  in 
right,  by  moderate  powers,  confided  lo  persons  of  his  own  choice,  and 
held  to  their  duties  by  dependence  on  his  own  will.  We  believed  that  the 
complicated  organization  of  kings,  nobles,  and  priests,  was  not  the  wisest 
nor  best  to  effect  the  happiness  of  associated  men;  that  wisdom  and  vir- 
tue were  not  hereditary;  that  the  trappings  of  such  a  machinery  con- 


li 


9 


rats, 
lent 

1688 

that 
It." 
Kthe 
en- 

|U8.— 

iteof 

J  him: 

ties  of 

man 

|ier,  it 
fhen 
their 

|>ciety 


for  our  country. (3^  The  persons  who  composed  this  aris^ocra- 
tic  party  were  at  nrst  called  Federalists. 

sumed  by  their  expense  those  earnings  of  industry  they  were  meant  to 
protect,  and,  by  the  inequalities  they  produced,  exposed  liberty  to  suffer- 
ance. We  believed  that  men,  enjoying  in  ease  and  security  the  full  fruits 
of  their  own  industry,  enlisted  by  all  their  interests  on  the  side  of  law 
and  order,  habituated  to  think  for  themselves,  and  follow  their  reason  as 
their  g?iido,  would  be  more  easily  and  safely  governed,  than  with  minds 
nourished  in  error,  and  vitiated  and  debased,  as  in  Europe,  by  ignorance, 
indigence  and  oppression.  The  cherishnient  of  the  people  then  was  our 
principle,  tho  fear  and  distrust  of  them,  that  of  the  other  party." 

In  the  philanthropic  and  consoling  faith  of  a  true  demo^rat^  Mr.  Jeffer- 
son lived  and  died.  But  ten  days  before  his  death,  in  reference  to  the  De° 
claration  of  Independence  and  its  fruits,  he  said.  letter  193: 

"  iMay  it  be  to  the  world,  what  I  believe  it  will  be,  (to  some  parts  soon 
er,  to  others  later,  but  finally  to  all,)  the  signal  of  arousing  men  to 
burst  the  chains  under  which  monkish  ignorance  and  superstition  had 
persuaded  them  to  bind  themselves,  and  to  assume  the  blessings  and 
security  of  self-government.  That  form  which  we  have  substituted, 
restores  the  free  right  to  the  unbounded  exercise  of  reason  and  freedom 
of  opinion.  All  eyes  are  opened,  or  opening,  to  the  rights  of  man. — 
The  general  spread  of  the  light  of  science  has  already  laid  open  to  every 
view  the  palpable  truth,  that  the  mass  of  mankind  has  not  been  bom  with 
saddles  on  their  backs,  nor  a  favorite  few  booted  and  spurred,  ready  to 
ride  them  legitimately,  by  the  grace  of  God." 

These  extracts  distinctly  show  that  broad  differences  of  opinion  existed 
among  the  Fathers  of  the  Republic.  These  differences  exhibited  them- 
fielvea  in  the  conventions  to  form  the  state  constitutions,  and  more  strik- 
ingly in  the  convention  that  formed  the  federal  constitution.  The  demo- 
<a^tic  principle  struggled  to  give  the  people  as  direct  a  control  as  possible 
over  the  general  government,  leaving  to  the  states  all  powers  not  ab- 
Kolutely  necessary  to  the  general  welfare,  while  the  anti-democratic 
nought  to  supersede  the  state  governments,  and  remove  the  executive 
and  senatorial  branches  of  tho  general  government  entirely,  and  the  re- 
presentative as  far  as  practicable,  from  the  popular  control.  With  some 
concessions  to  the  antidemocratic  party  in  the  election  of  the  executive 
and  senate,  which  the  spirit  of  our  people  has  rendered  nugatory  in  prac- 
tice, the  constitution  offered  to  the  people  of  the  states  was  essentially 
tiemocratic,  and  was  adopted  with  a  few  explanatory  amendments. 

(3.)  As  early  as  1787,  John  Adams,  than  whom  no  man  entered  with 
more  energy  and  devotion  into  the  cause  of  the  revolution,  wrote  and  pub- 
lished a  series  of  letters  on  government,  under  the  title  of  "  A  defence  of 
the  Constitutions  of  the  United  States  of  America  ;"  in  which  the  prin- 
ciples of  the  anti-democratic  party  were  clearly  developed.  A  few  ex- 
tracts will  suflice.  In  his  preface  he  says — "  The  rich,  the  well  born, 
and  the  able,  acquire  an  influence  among  the  people,  that  will  soon  be 
too  much  for  simple  honesty  and  plain  sense  in  a  house  of  representa- 
tives. The  most  illustrious  of  these  must,  therefore,  be  separated  from 
the  mass  and  placed  by  themselves  in  a  senate." 

In  his  20th  letter  he  says:  "  I  only  contend  that  the  English  constitu- 
tion is  in  theory,  the  most  stupendous  fabric  of  human  invention,  both 
for  the  adjustment  of  the  balance  and  the  prevention  of  its  vibrations  ; 


M 


111 


11   V 


ii! 


10 

Now,  although  the  persons  who  then  formed  the  Democratic 
party,  as  well  an  those  of  whom  the  Federal  party  were  made 

and  that  the  Americans  ought  to  be  applauded  instead  of  censured,  fur  imi- 
tating it  as  far  as  they  ba\e." 

In  his  26th  letter  he  says  :  "  If  there  is  then  in  society  such  a  natural 
aristocracy  as  these  great  writers  pretend,  and  as  all  history  and  experi- 
ence demonstrate,  formed  partly  by  genius,  partly  by  birth,  and  partly  by 
riches,  how  shall  the  legislator  avail  himself  of  their  intluence  fur  the  equal 
benefit  of  the  public?  And  how,  on  the  other  hand,  shall  he  prevent 
them  from  disturbing  the  public  happiness?  I  answer  by  arranging  them 
all,  or  at  least  the  most  conspicuous  uf  them  together  in  one  atiscmbly, 
by  the  name  of  a  Senate;  by  separating  them  from  all  pretensions  to  the 
executive  power ;  and  by  controlling,  in  the  legislature,  their  ambition 
and  avarice,  by  an  assembly  of  representatives  on  one  side,  and  by  the 
executive  authority  on  the  other." 

In  his  27th  letter  he  says:  "  If  I  should  undertake  to  say,  that  there 
never  was  a  good  government  in  the  world,  that  did  not  consist  of  the 
three  species,  of  monarchy,  aristocracy  and  democracy,  I  think  I  may  make 
it  good." 

In  his  29th  letter  he  says  :  "  I  shall  show  in  another  place,  that  a  no- 
bility or  gentry,  in  a  popular  government,  not  overbalancing  it,  is  the 
very  life  and  soul  of  it." 

In  hi3  32d  letter  he  says:  "  The  only  remedy  is,  to  throw  the  rich  and 
the  proud  into  one  group,  in  a  separate  assembly,  and  there  tie  their 
hands;  if  you  give  them  scope  with  the  people  at  large,  or  their  repre- 
Rentatives,  they  will  destroy  all  egualUy  and  liberty,  with  the  consent  and 
acclamation  of  the  people  themselves." 

In  letter  52,  he  says  :  "  The  distinctions  of  poor  and  rich  are  as  neces- 
sary in  states  of  considerable  extent,  as  labor  and  good  government.  The 
poor  are  destined  to  labor;  and  the  rich,  by  the  advantages  of  education, 
independence  and  leisure,  are  qualified  for  superior  stations." 

Again:  "  When  the  three  natural  orders  in  society,  the  high,  the  middle, 
and  the  low,  are  all  represented  in  the  government  and  constitutionally 
placed  to  watch  each  other,  and  restrain  each  other  mutually  by  the  laws. 
It  is  then  only  that  an  emulation  takes  place  for  the  public  good,  and 
divisions  turn  to  the  advantage  of  the  nation." 

The  whole  work  is  interspersed  with  sentiments  of  a  similar  nature, 
clearly  showing  the  author's  opinion,  that  the  people  are  incapable  of  self 
government,  and  that  the  only  good  system  is  a  king,  lords,  and  com- 
mons, representing  three  distinct  orders  in  society. 

The  same  distrust  of  the  people  was  evinced,  and  the  same  opinions 
as  to  government,  were  expressed  in  the  convention  of  1787,  which  form- 
ed the  present  constitution  of  the  United  States.  Mr.  Madison,  in  his 
introduction  to  the  debates  in  that  body,  recently  published,  among  the 
circumstances  attending  its  meeting,  mentions  the  following: 

"  It  was  found  moreover,  that  those  least  partial  to  popular  government, 
or  rnost  distrustful  of  its  efficacy  were  yielding  to  anticipations  that  from 
an  increase  of  the  confusion,  a  government  might  result  more  congeniol 
with  their  taste  or  their  opinions;  whilst  those  most  devoted  to  the  prin- 
ciples and  forms  of  republics,  were  alarmed  for  the  cause  of  liberty  itself, 
at  stake  in  the  American  experiment,  and  anxious  for  a  system  that  would 
avoid  the  inofficacy  of  a  mere  confederacy  without  passing  into  ihe  oppo- 
site extreme  of  a  consolidated  government.   It  was  known  that  there  were 


1' 


11 


up«  havQ  passed  from  the  stage  of  action,  and  another  genera- 
tion  come  on,  and  the  places  of  the  former  taken  by  new  hands 

individuals  who  had  betrayed  a  bias  towards  monarchy,  and  there  had  al- 
ways  been  some  not  unfavorable  to  the  partition  of  the  Union  into  seve- 
ral  confederacies,  cither  from  a  hotter  chance  of  figuring  on  a  sectional 
theatre,  or  that  the  sections  would  require  stronger  governments,  or  by 
their  hostile  conflicts  lead  to  a  monarchical  consolidation." 

The  succeeding  debates  contain  abundant  evidences  that  the  principles  of 
John  Adams  had  their  advocates  among  the  ablest  men  in  the  convention. 

Mr.  Hamilton  said:  (Madison  Papers,  pages  885.  6,  7,  8,  9,)  '*In  his 
private  opinion  he  had  no  scruple  in  declaring,  supported  as  he  was,  by 
the  opinion  of  so  many  of  the  wise  and  good,  that  the  British  government 
was  the  best  in  the  world;  and  he  doubted  much  whetherany  thing  short 
of  it  would  do  in  America." 

Again:  "  The  progress  of  the  public  mind  led  him  to  anticipate  the  time 
when  others  as  well  as  himself  would  join  in  the  praise  bestowed  by  Mr. 
Neckar  on  the  British  constitution,  namely,  that  it  is  the  only  govern- 
ment in  the  world  which  unites  public  strengtl'  with  individual  security." 

Again:  "  Their  House  of  Lords  is  a  most  noble  institution."  "No  tem- 
porary senate  will  have  firmnes?  enough  to  answer  the  purpose." 

Again:  "  As  to  the  Executive,  it  seemed  to  be  admitted  that  no  good 
one  could  be  established  on  republican  principles.  Was  not  this  giving 
up  the  merits  of  the  question;  for  can  there  be  a  good  government  with- 
out a  good  executive  t  The  English  model  was  the  only  good  one  on 
that  subject." 

Again:  "  What  is  the  inference  from  all  these  observations  ?  That  we 
ought  to  go  as  far  as  republican  principles  will  admit.  Let  one  branch 
uf  the  legislature  hold  their  places  for  life,  or  at  least  during  good  beha- 
vior.   Let  the  executive  also  be  for  life." 

He  submitted  his  plan  to  the  convention,  avowing,  however,  that  he 
did  not  expect  the  people  to  adopt  it  "at  present."  "  But  he  sees  the 
Union  dissolving  or  already  dissolved — he  sees  evils  operating  in  the 
.itates  which  must  soon  cure  the  people  of  their  fondness  for  democracies 
— he  sees  that  a  great  progress  has  been  already  made,  and  is  still  going 
on  in  the  public  mind.  He  thinks,  therefore,  the  people  will  in  timj  be 
unshackled  from  their  prejudices,"  &c. 

His  plon  was  an  assembly  elected  by  the  people,  a  senate  elected  by 
electors  chosen  by  the  people  in  districts,  to  hold  their  offices  during  good 
behaviour,  and  a  governor  elected  by  electors  chosen  by  the  people  in 
the  senatorial  districts,  to  hold  during  good  behavior;  and  that  the  gover- 
nors of  the  states  should  be  appointed  by  the  general  governor,  with  an 
absolute  negative  on  acts  passed  by  the  state  legislcUnres. 

Governeur  Morris,  speaking  of  the  second  oranch  in  the  executive  de 
partment,  or  the  senate,  (pages  1018-19-20,)  says: 

"  One  interest  must  be  opposed  to  another  interest;  vices  as  they  ex 
ist,  must  be  turned  against  each  other.  In  the  second  place,  it  must 
have  the  aristocratic  spirit;  it  must  love  to  lord  it  through  pride."  "  If 
the  second  branch  is  to  be  dependent,  we  are  better  without  it.  To  make 
it  independent,  it  should  be  for  life.  It  will  then  do  wrong,  it  will  be 
said.  He  believed  so;  he  hoped  so.  The  rich  will  strive  to  establish 
their  dominion  and  enslave  the  rest.  They  always  did.  They  always 
will.  The  proper  security  against  them,  is  to  form  them  into  a  separate 
interest." 


P 


fe    1 


if. 


'  m 


\  •■i\ 


12 


of  politicians ;  and  although  the  parties,  during  the  last  forty 
years,  have  gone  through  a  number  of  changes  and  formationsi 
the  principles  of  the  two  parties  are  found  to  have  remained  en- 
tire, and  they  are  now  fallen  back  upon  their  original  positions. 

The  democracy  of  our  country,  as  a  party,  is  the  same  now  it 
was  in  1798,  and  the  aristocratic  party,  who  were  then  known 
as  federalists,  and  now  as  British  Whigs,  occupy  the  very  same 
ground  they  did  when  they  were  first  signally  defeated  by  the 
democracy  of  the  country ;  and  so  much  m  unison  are  the  prin- 
ciples of  this  aristocratic  part  of  our  people  with  those  of  the 
aristocracy  of  Great  Britam,  they  seem  as  of  one  and  the  same 
family.  The  British  Whigs  who  have  put  General  Harrison  in 
nomination  for  the  Presidency,  are  the  own  blood  relations  and 
cousin>germans  to  the  British  Whigs  who  sustain  Lord  Mel- 
bourne and  his  associates.  The  one  party  is  the  representative 
of  the  wealth  of  the  British  nation — the  other  is  the  representa- 
tive of  the  same  wealth,  and  the  wealth  and  moneyed  aristocracy 
of  our  own  country. 

In  England  the  British  Whigs  have  chosen  a  monarch,  who 
is  stamped  by  nature  with  that  distinctive  weakness,  which  even 
in  their  own  dominions,  deprives  her  from  any  participation  or 
trust  in  the  execution  of  their  laws,  or  the  administration  of  the 
government,  save  the  office  of  tool,  which  she  now  performs  to 
the  aristocracy.  In  this  country  the  British  Whigs  have  put  in 
nomination  a  candidate  for  the  presidency,  who  is  known  to  be 
in  the  imbecility  of  age ;  and  who,  when  he  was  in  the  proudest 
days  of  manhood,  had  not  confidence  in  his  own  capacity  to  hold 
his  place  in  a  high  and  exalted  station— but  relinquished  it,  while 
it  oflTered  him  honor,  and  fame,  and  glory,  fearful  he  should  sink 
with  disgrace  under  the  responsibility  by  which  the  station  was 

Again:  "  He  contended  that  the  executive  should  appoint  the  senate, 
and  fill  up  vacancies." 

Again:  "  He  did  not  hesitate  to  say,  that  loaves  and  fishes  mur.t  bribe 
the  demagogues.  They  must  be  made  to  expect  higher  offices  under  the 
general  than  under  the  state  governments.  A  senate  for  life  will  be  a 
noble  bait." 

Again:  (page  1030,)  ''  State  attachments,  nnd  state  importance,  have 
been  the  bane  of  this  country,  We  cannot  aunihikte,  but  we  may  per- 
haps  take  out  the  teeth  of  the  serpents." 

Again:  (page  1033,)  On  the  proposition  for  fixing  the  representation  in 
the  hrst  branch,  at  "  one  member  for  every  forty  thousand  inhabitants," 
lie  thought  property  ought  to  be  taken  into  the  estimate,  as  well  as  the 
number  of  inhabitants.  Life  and  liberty  were  generally  said  to  be  of  more 
value  than  property.  An  accurate  view  of  the  matter  would,  neverthe- 
less, prove  that  property  was  the  main  object  of  society." 

Again:  (page  1043,)  "  As  to  the  alarm  sounded,  of  an  aristocracy,  his 
creed  was  that  there  never  was  nor  ever  will  be  a  civilizei  society  with- 
out an  aristocracy.  His  endeavor  was,  to  keep  it  a«  much  as  possible 
from  doing  mischief." 


13 


accompanied.  The  only  qualities  they  claim  for  him  are  nega- 
tive—and the  only  ground  he  offers  for  their  liking  is  his  suppli- 
ancy — and  the  certainty,  if  elected,  that  he  will  be  as  subservi- 
ent to  the  British  Whigs  of  this  country  as  the  British  Queen  ia 
to  the  aristocracy  in  England. 

In  opposition  to  General  Harrison,  the  democracy  of  our 
country  offer  Martin  Van  Bureu  as  a  candidate  for  a  re-election 
to  the  Presidency.  He  is  selected  from  among  our  free  citizens, 
because  he  is  known  to  possess  capacity  of  the  highest  order, 
and  principles  corresponding  with  those  of  the  democratic  party; 
while  the  candidate  of  the  British  Whig  party  is  allowed  to  pos- 
sess no  principles  of  his  own,  as  he  is,  (if  elected,)  to  be  made  to 
represent  the  principles  of  the  party — which  they  dare  not  now 
avow. 

As  they  have  their  candidate's  assent  to  be  made  to  represent 
the  principles  of  the  British  Whig  party,  it  is  not  essential  to 
them  that  he  holds  opinions  in  common  with  the  aristocracy. 
Their  only  object  at  this  time  is  to  get  into  power ;  the  princi- 
ples by  which  the  president,  of  their  choice,  is  to  be  governed, 
is  but  a  secondary  consideration,  according  to  their  scheme,  to 
be  settled  in  convention,  after  they  Iiave  succeeded  in  his  elec- 
tion— which  they  hope  to  do  by  keeping  him  entirely  from  the 
observation  of  the  people,  surrounded  by  a  committee(4.)  who 

(4.)  '*  Oswego,  Jem.  31,  1840. 

"  To  THE  Hon.  William  H.  Harrison: 

"  Dear  Sir:  In  accordance  with  a  resolution  of  the  Union  Association 
of  Oswego,  I  am  instructed  to  propose  three  questions  to  you  in  relation 
to  subjects  that  a  large  portion  of  this  section  of  the  country  feel  a  deep 
interest  in.    The  first  is — 

"  Are  you  in  favor  of  receiving  and  referring  petitions  for  the  iramedi' 
ate  abolition  of  slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia? 

"  Second— Are  you  in  favor  of  an  United  States  Bank,  or  some  institu- 
tion similar  to  that,  for  the  safe  keeping  und  disbursing  of  the  public  rc\o- 
neys,  and  for  giving  an  uniform  currency  throughout  the  United  States. 

"  And  lastly — Would  you  favor  the  passage  of  a  general  bankrupt  law 
by  Congress,  so  that  its  operations  might  be  equal  in  all  the  States  in  the 
Union. 

"  I  have  only  to  say,  sir,  that  the  above  enquiries  are  made  in  accord- 
ance with  the  unanimous  wishes  of  this  Association,  the  members  of 
which,  I  am  instructed  to  say,  entertain  the  highest  regard  for  your  past 
services,  and  hope,  should  you  be  elected  to  the  high  office  for  which  you 
are  nominated,  that  nothing  may  occur  to  lessen  you  in  the  estimation  of 
a  great  and  free  people.  I  am  sir,  respectfully,  your  ob't  servant, 
"  IWILE3  HOTCHKISS,  Corresponding  Secretary." 

"  Cmcinnati,  Feb.  29,  1840. 
"Oswego  Union  Association: 

"Gentlemen:  Yourletterof  the  31st  ult.  addressed  to  Gen.  Harrison, 
has  been  placed  in  ow  possession  with  a  view  to  early  attention.    This 


14 


iir 


act  in  the  capacity  of  the  attaches  of  a  British  lord— or  the  la- 
dies  of  the  bed-chamber  to  Her  Majesty — while  their  mercenary 
prints  patch  him  up  on  one  side  as  a  general  and  a  hero,  and  on 
the  other  as  a  farmer,  and  the  poor  man's  friend. (5.)         

is  unavoidable,  in  consequence  of  the  very  numerous  letters  dcily  recei- 
ved by  the  General,  and  to  which  his  reply,  in  person,  is  rendered  abso- 
lutely impracticable.  As  from  his  confidential  committee,  you  will  look 
upon  this  response,  and  if  the  policy  observed  by  the  committee  should 
not  meet  with  your  approbation,  you  will  attribute  the  error  rather  to 
ourselves  and  his  immediate  advisers,  than  General  Harrison.  That  po- 
licy is,  THAT  THE  GENERAL  MAKE  NO  FURTHER  DECLARA- 
TION OF  HIS  PRINCIPLES,  FOR  THE  PUBLIC  EYE.  WHILST 
OCCUPYING  HIS  PRESENT  POSITION.  Such  a  course  hns  been 
adopted,  not  for  purpose  of  concealment,  nor  to  avoid  all  proper  nesponsi- 
bility;  but  under  the  impression  that  the  General's  views,  in  regard  tu 
all  the  important  and  exciting  questions  of  the  day,  have  heretofore  been 
given  to  the  pnblic,  fully  and  explicitly;  and  that  those  views,  whether 
connected  with  const'^utional  or  other  questions  of  very  general  interest, 
have  undergone  no  cliange.  The  committee  are  strengthened  in  regard 
to  the  propriety  of  this  policy;  that  no  new  issue  be  made  to  the  public,  from 
the  consideration  that  the  Natiotial  Convention  deemed  it  impolitic,  at  the  then 
crisis,  to  publish  any  general  declaration  of  tlie  views  of  the  great  Opposition 
party,  and  certainly  the  policy  at  the  present  retnains  unaltered.  In  the 
mean  time,  we  cannot  help  expressing  the  hope  that  our  friends  every 
where  will  receive  the  nomination  of  General  Harrison  with  something 
akin  to  generous  confidence.  When  we  reflect  upon  the  distinguished 
intelligence  of  the  nominating  convention— how  obly  all  interests  were 
represented  in  that  body,  we  certainly  have  a  high  guarantee  that  should 
General  Harrison  be  the  successful  candidate  fur  the  Presidency,  that  of- 
fice will  be  happily  and  constitutionally  administered,  and  under  the  gui- 
dance of  the  same  principles  which  directed  our  Washington,  Jeflerson, 
and  Madison.  Believing  you  will  concur  with  us  in  the  propriety  of  the 
policy  adopted,  we  have  pleasure  in  subscribing  ourselves, 

"  Your  friends,  "  DAVID  GWINNE, 

"J.  C.  WRIGHT, 
"  O.  M.  SPENCER. 
"H.  E.  Sfekcer,  Corresponding  Secretary." 

(5.)  General  Harrison  while  Governor  of  the  Territory  of  Indiana  ap- 
proved of  a  law  of  which  the  following  is  an  extract: 

A  Law  to  Regulate  Elections. 

Sec.  3,  last  clause,  (the  first  clause  is  concerning  the  oath  of  judges  of 
elections.) 

"  It  is  therefore  enacted,  that  every  free  male  inhabitant  of  the  age  of 
twentj-one  years;  resident  in  the  Territory,  and  who  has  been  a  citizen 
of  any  State  in  the  Union,  or  who  hath  been  two  years  resident  in  the 
Territory,  and  holds  a  freehold  in  fitly  acres  of  land  within  any  county  of 
the  same,  or  any  less  quantity  in  the  county  in  which  he  shall  reside, 
which,  with  the  improvements  made  thereon,  shall  be  of  the  value  of 
one  hundred  dollars,  or  who  has  paid  fur,  and  in  virtue  of  a  deed  of  cov- 
enant for  further  assurances  from  a  person  vested  with  the  fee,  i  j  in  ac- 
tual possesion  of  fifty  acres  of  land,  subject  to  taxation  in  the  county  in 
which  he  shall  be  resident,  shall  be  and  are  hereby  declared  to  be  duly 


ie  ]a- 
jnary 
id  on 


15 

I  muflt  take  the  occasion  to  remark,  that  their  candidate  may 
be  a  hero  and  a  great  general(6.)    Yet,  it  is  shown  by  the  histo- 

qualified  electors  of  Representatives  for  the  counties  in  which  they  are 
respectively  resident. 

J£S8C  B.  THOMAS,  Speaker  of  the  House  of  Representatives. 

B.  CHAMBERS,  President  of  the  Council. 
Approved,  17th  Sept.  1807.  WM.  HENuY  HARRISON. 

Indiana,  to  wit:— I,  William  J.  Brown,  Secretary  of  State,  for  the 
State  aforesaid,  do  hereby  certify  that  the  foregoing  is  a  true  copy  of  the 
last  clause  of  the  third  section  of  "A  law  to  regulate  elections,"  which 
is  now  on  file,  in  manuscript  form,  in  my  office. 

in  testimony  whereof,  I  have  hereunto  set  my  band,  and  have  affixed 
[l.  s.]  the  seal  of  said  State,  at  Indianapulis.  this  5th  day  of  June,  A.  D. 
1840.  WM.  J.  BROWN,  Secretary  of  State. 

(6.)  It  appears  that  the  ladies  of  Chillicothe  so  estimated  his  (General 
Harrison's)  services,  that  at  the  same  time  their  husbands  prepared  a 
sword  for  Col.  Croghan,  they  prepared. fur  him  a  petticoat. 

Dayton,  April  20,  1836. 

Mr.  Bilger — In  compliance  with  your  request,  I  submit  to  the  public 
a  true  statement,  (as  far  as  I  am  acq,uainted  with  the  circumstance,)  in 
relation  to  certain  ladies  of  Chillicothe  having  prepared  a  PETTICOAT 
TO  PRESENT  TO  GEN.  HARRISON  at  the  time  the  sword  was  pre- 
sented to  the  gallant  Col.  Croghan. 

I  arrived  at  Chillicothe,  some  time  in  the  fall  or  winter  of  1814,  and 
distinctly  and  clearly  recollect  that  the  subject  of  the  Petticoat,  at  that 
time,  was  all  the  town  talk.  The  fathe-  and  mother  of  try  wife,  Mr. 
John  Munday,  now  dead,  informed  me  of  the  whole  transactions;  I  also 
heard  the  particulars  from  Mrs.  Stephen  Sissna,  now  old  and  blind,  and 
who  resides  in  Highland  county.  I'hese  persons  were  old  settlers  of 
Chillicothe.  Mr.  Munday,  who  had  seen  the  petticoat,  informed  me 
that  it  was  of  "  many  colors,"  and  so  stiffly  quilted  that  it  would  nearly 
stand  alone.  Mr.  James  Foster,  with  whom  I  was  employed  fur  some 
length  of  time  as  a  book  I  inder,  had  also  seen  the  petticoat,  and  one  day 
when  we  were  engaged  stitching  a  pamphlet  in  relation  to  the  surrender 
of  Gen.  Hull,  he  remarked  to  me  that  he  wished  he  had  a  print  of  a  pet- 
ticoat, and  that  if  he  had  it,  he  would  put  it  in  a  frame  so  as  to  preserve 
it.  At  Dr.  Basey's  tavern,  where  I  then  boarded,  it  was  common  talk 
almost  every  day;  the  names  of  the  ladies  were  mentioned,  and  I  believe 
I  now  am  able  to  give  the  names,  if  requested,  of  most  of  them.  I  men- 
tion these  facts  to  show  that  they  are  of  such  a  character  that  I  could  not 
forget  or  mistako  them.  In  all  the  conversations  I  ever  heard  upon  the 
subject,  I  never  heard  it  denied  whilst  I  resided  in  Chillicothe,  but  I  do 
recollect  of  hearing  one,  if  not  more  of  the  ladies'  husband's  say,  that  the 
petticoat  would  have  been  presented  to  the  General,  had  they  not  inter- 
fered. There  are  many  citizens  of  Chillicothe  who  recollect  the  facts  I 
have  stated.  There  is  one  gentleman  in  the  Ohio  Delegation  in  Congress 
who,  I  am  well  persuaded  remembers  the  circumstance  well.  That  the 
ladies  prepared  and  intended  presenting  the  petticoat,  is  as  undoubted  a 
fact,  as  that  the  sword  was  presented  to  Col.  Croghan.  If  any  particular 
reference  to  the  old  citizens  of  Chillicothe,  will  be  of  ony  service,  I  will 
freely  give  the  same.    Respectfully  yours,         JOHN  ANDERSON. 


lii 


r.    rl 


16 

rical  records  of  our  nation,  that  he  resigned  his  office  as  a  gene- 
ral  while  our  country  was  in  the  midst  of  a  war ;  and  that  when 
the  Indian  war-whoop  was  resounding  along  our  borders  from 
Lake  Michigan  to  the  River  St.  Johns  —  when  the  homes 
of  our  frontier  settlers  were  smoking  in  ruins,  and  our  soil  was 
being  dyed  with  the  blood  of  our  best  citizens — and  when  Bri- 
tish ships  were  hovering  on  our  coast,  blockading  our  ports,  and 
landing  their  m^.-  derous  bands  of  soldiers  upon  every  defence, 
less  spot,  destroying  our  peaceful  inhabitants,  and  despoiling  our 
country,  he  abandoned  us  and  left  us  to  fight  out  our  battles  and 
to  defend  our  country  without  his  assistance.  1  would  also  re- 
biark,  that  General  Harrison  may  be  a  farmer.  But,  neverthe- 
less, it  is  known  that  he  has  preferred  the  subservient  employ- 
ment of  a  clerk  in  a  petty  court  of  law,  to  the  more  honorable, 
though,  perhaps,  more  laborious  and  hardy  occupation  of  plough- 
ing and  planting ;  and  that  he  may  be  the  poor  man's  friend — 
but  this  must  be  doubted,  from  the  fact  that  he  approved  of  a  law 
in  Indiana,  and  afterwards  voted  for  a  similar  one  in  the  Ohio  le- 
gislature, providing  that  the  poor  man  who  could  not  pay  his 
fine  and  cost  of  suit,  on  a  conviction  for  a  misdemeanor,  should 
be  sold  as  a  slave  to  the  highest  bidder,(7.)  and  subjected  to  the 

(7.)  Extract  from  the  Territorial  Laws  of  Indiana,  Revised  Code, 
1807,  page  39  and  40— Section  11,  30  and  31. 

"An  Act  Rkspecting  Crimes  and  Punishments. 

"  Section  11.  If  any  person  shall  unlawfully  assaulter  threaten  another 
in  any  menacing  manner,  or  shall  strike  or  wound  another,  he  shall,  upon 
conviction  thereof,  Y  <  fined  in  a  sum  not  exceeding  one  hundred  dollars; 
and  the  court  before  whom  such  conviction  shall  be  had,  may,  in  their 
discretion,  cause  the  offender  to  enter  into  recognizance  with  surety  for 
the  peacd  and  good  behaviour,  for  a  term  not  exceeding  one  year. 

"  i».9c.  30.  When  any  person  or  persons  shall,  on  conviction  of  any 
crime  or  breach  of  any  penal  law,  be  sentenced  to  pay  a  fine  or  fines,  with 
or  without  the  costs  of  prosecution,  it  shall  and  may  be  lawful  for  the 
court,  before  whom  such  conviction  shall  bo  bad,  to  order  the  sheriiT  to 
sell  or  hire  the  person  or  persons  so  convicted,  to  service  to  any  person 
or  persons  who  will  pay  the  said  fine  and  costs  for  such  term  of  time  as 
the  said  court  shall  judge  reasonable;  and  if  such  person  or  persons  so 
sentenced  and  hired,  or  sold,  shall  abscond  from  the  service  of  his  or  her 
master  or  mistress  before  the  term  of  such  servitude  shall  be  expired,  he 
or  she  so  absconding  shai!,  on  conviction  before  a  justice  of  the  peace,  be 
whipped  with  thirty<nine  stripes,  and  shall,  moreover,  serve  two  days 
for  every  one  so  lost. 

"  Sec.  31.  The  judges  of  the  several  courts  of  record  in  this  Territory 
shall  give  this  act  in  charge  to  the  grand  jury  at  each  and  every  court  in 
which  a  grand  jury  shall  be  sworn.'' 

JESSE  B.  THOMAS,  Speaker  of  the  House  of  Representatives. 
B.  CHAMBERS,  President  of  the  Senate. 

Approved,  17th  Sept.  1807.  WM.  HENRY  HARRISON. 

Indiana,  to  wit:— I,  William  J.  Brown,  Secretary  of  State,  for  the 


17 

lash,  while  the  rich  man,  (though  a  rogue  of  the  deepest  dye,) 
should  be  permitted  to  go  free  on  giving  a  little  from  his  great 
store  of  wealth. 

State  aforesaid,  do  hereby  certify,  that  the  foregoing  is  a  true  copy  of  the 
11th,  3Uth,  and  Slst  sections  of  '  An  Act  respecting  crimes  and  punish* 
ments,"  now  on  file,  in  manuscript  form,  in  my  oflice. 

In  testimony  whereof,  I  have  hereunto  set  my  hand,  and  here  affixed 
[l.  s.]  the  seal  of  the  said  iState  at  Indianapolis,  this  5th  day  of  June,  A. 
D.  1840.  WM.  J.  BROWN,  Secretary  of  State. 

In  approving  this  act,  Gen.  Harrison  showed  that  he  considered  liberty 
and  property  equal  in  consideration.  The  rich  man's  money,  and  the 
poor  man's  liberty,  were  balanced  against  each  other.  The  rich  man 
might  pay  the  penalty  with  his  money  and  go  free;  but  the  poor  man's 
liberty  must  be  taken  to  pay  it.  Gen.  Harrison's  act  considers  money 
and  liberty  of  the  same  value !  I 

Extract  from  the  Journal  of  the  Senate  of  OMo, 

"  Tuesday,  January  30,  1821. — Senate  met  pursuant  to  adjournment. 

"  The  Senate  then,  according  to  the  order  of  the  day,  resolved  itself 
into  a  committee  of  the  whole,  upon  the  bill  from  the  House,  entitled 
"  An  Act  for  the  punishment  of  certain  offences  therein  named."  and  af* 
ter  some  time  spent  therein,  the  speaker,  (Allen  Trimble,)  resumed  the 
chair. 

"  Mr.  FiTHiAN  then  moved  to  strike  out  the  nineteenth  section  of  said 
bill,  as  follows: 

"  'Be  it  further  enacted,  that  when  any  person  shall  be  imprisoned, 
either  upon  execution  or  otherwise,  for  the  non-payment  of  a  fine  or  costs, 
or  both,  it  shall  be  lawful  for  the  SheriflT  of  the  county,  to  sell  out  such 
person  as  a  servant  to  any  person  within  this  State,  who  will  pay  the 
whole  amount  due,  for  the  shortest  period  of  service,  of  which  $a/e,  pub- 
lic notice  shall  be  given  at  least  ten  days,  and  upon  suchfo/e  being  efiec- 
ted.  the  Sheriff  shall  give  to  the  purchaser  a  eertificate  thereof,  and  deli- 
ver  over  the  prisoner  to  him,  from  which  time  the  relation  between  such 
purchaser  and  the  prisoner  shall  be  that  of  master  and  sxrvant,  until 
the  time  of  service  expires;  and  for  injuries  done  by  either,  remedy  shall 
be  had  in  the  same  manner,  as  is,  or  may  be  provided  by  law  in  the  case 
of  master  and  apprentices;  but  nothing  herein  contained  shall  be  so  con- 
strued as  to  prevent  persons  being  discharged  from  imprisonment  according 
to  the  provisions  of  the  thirty-seventh  section  of  this  act  to  which  this  is 
supplementary,  if  it  shall  be  considered  expedient  to  grant  such  discharge: 
Provided,  that  the  Court,  in  pronouncing  sentence  upon  any  person  or 
persons  convicted  under  this  act  or  the  oct  to  which  this  is  supplementa- 
ry, may  direct  such  person  or  persons  to  be  detained  in  prison  until  the 
fine  be  paid,  or  the  person  or  persons  otherwise  disposed  of,  agreeably  to 
the  provisions  of  this  act.' 

*'  Which  motion  was  decided  in  the  affirmative,  yeas  20,  nays  12. 

"  And  the  yeas  and  nays  being  required,  those  who  voted  in  the  affir- 
mative were  Messrs.  Beasly,  Brown,  Fithian,  Gass,  Heaton,  Jennings, 
Lucas,  Mathews,  McLaughlin,  McMillin,  Newcomb,  Robb,  Russell,  Sco- 
lield,  Shelby,  Spencer,  Stone,  Swearingen,  Thompson,  Womelderf— 20. 

"  And  those  who  voted  in  the  negative,  were  Messrs.  Baldwin,  Cole, 
Foos,  Foster,  [WM.  H.]  HARRISON,  McLean,  Oswall,  Pollock,  Rug- 
gles,  Roberts,  Wheeler  and  Speaker — 12." 

2 


;i 


il 


18 


I*!-' 


m 


But  to  return :  While  a  prisoner  to  the  BritiBh  government  in 
Canada,  I  was  told  by  one  of  their  nobility,  a  patented  legislator, 
"  that  all  my  ideas  of  the  establishment  of  a  democratic  govern- 
ment in  the  Canadas  were  chimerical — that  such  could  not  long 
exist  where  they  had  been  established  in  my  own  country — but 
would  necessarily  be  changed  into  an  aristocracy."  Then,  said 
he,  "  the  mass  of  the  people  of  every  country  must  remain  igno- 
rant— and  it  is  impossible  to  have  them  ever  become  so  enlight- 
ened as  to  make  it  safe  to  allow  them  to  participate  in  the  ad- 
ministration of  the  government" — and  *'  that  some  must  be  made 
permanently  great,  to  keep  down  the  vulgar  mass ;"  and  this  ap- 
pears to  be  the  precise  principle  of  General  Harrison  and  the  par- 
ty who  have  put  him  up  for  the  suffrages  of  our  people.  Do  not 
those  who  control  the  party,  found  their  hopes  of  his  election  up- 
on the  supposed  ignorance  and  want  of  intelligence  of  the  mass 
of  our  voters?  If  it  be  not  so,  why  have  they  waived  all  appeal 
to  the  good  sense  of  the  people,  and  approached  them  only  with 
devices  which  are  comprehended  by  their  grosser  natural,  and 
unimproved  understanding  ?  Or,  does  their  own  stupidity  induce 
them  to  believe  that  they  can  baguile  intelligent  and  thinking 
people,  or  any  who  are  worthy  to  be  called  democrats,  by  the 
vulgar  song  of  the  bacchanalian — or  entice  them  by  the  epaulet- 
ted  picture  of  an  old  and  womanish  general,  impressed  on  a  nap- 
kin-—or  catch  them  with  coon-skins  in  log  cabins — or  purchase 
their  votes  with  hard  cider,  dealt  out  to  them  with  a  gourd  shell  ? 

This  assumed  lowliness  of  the  British  Whigs,  is  but  a  crouch- 
ing of  themselves  to  make  a  spring  for  power.  If  their  party 
made  any  pretentions  to  democratic  principles,  and  were  honest 
in  those  pretensions,  they  would  scorn  such  devices  as  they  em- 
ploy, which  should  be  used  only  among  slaves.  But  they  make 
no  pretentions  to  democracy.  They  are  open  and  avowed  aris- 
tocrats---and  their  devices  are  used  as  the  instrumentsof  a  game 
for  political  power ;  and  we  may  be  assured  that  power  got  by 
Bucn  fraudulent  means,  would  be  dishonestly  held  and  vilely 
used. 

General  Harrison,  and  his  party,  are  abolilionists(8.) — (mock 

Secretary  of  State's  Office,  Coluvihm  Ohio,  Sept.  10,  1836. 

I  certify  that  the  foregoing  is  a  true  and  accurate  copy  from  tiie  Jour- 
nals of  the  State  of  Ohio,  being  the  first  session  of  the  19th  General  As- 
sembly, held  at  Columbus,  December,  1836. 

See  page  303,  304,  305.        CARTER  B.  HARLAN,  Sec.  of  State. 

(8.)  In  1822 General  Harrison  writes  as  follows: 

"  At  the  age  of  eighteen,  I  BECAME  A  MEMBER  OF  AN  ABOLI- 
TION  SOCIETY,  established  at  Richmond,  the  object  of  which  was  to 
ameliorate  the  condition  of  slaves,  and  procure  their  freedom  by  every 
legal  means.    My  venerable  friend  Judge  Gatch,  of  Clermont  co.,  wa» 


19 


tin 
tor, 
rn- 


no- 
(lade 


philanthropy) — and  so  are  the  aristocracy  of  Great  Britain — who 
are  the  enslavers  of  your  country,  and  the  common  enemies  to 
the  liberty  of  mankind.  While  Ireland  is  laid  prostrate  and 
bleeding  under  their  feet — witile  one  hundred  and  fifty  millions 
of  Hindoos  are  trodden  to  the  earth  by  their  merciless  bands  of 
soldiers,  and  chainged  to  a  slavery  of  the  vilest  kind,  they  have 
emancipated  a  few  thousand  of  negroes  in  the  West  Indies — 
yet  not  for  so  benevolent  a  purpose  as  some  suppose,  but,  as  I 
was  informed  by  a  British  officer  of  rank,  while  a  prisoner  in  Ca- 
nada, to  fit  them  for  military  officer  s,  to  be  inducted  into  our  coun. 
try  in  case  of  a  war  with  us,  to  raise  and  arm  the  slaves  of  the  south 
against  us — and  to  aid  in  this  benevolent  scheme,  it  is  boasted 
by  the  British  Whig  party,  that  General  Harrison  desires  an  ap- 
propriation of  all  the  surplus  revenues  of  our  government. (9.) 

General  Harrison  and  his  party  are  bankers  and  monopolists. 
They  have  avowed  their  intention,  if  they  can  get  the  power  of 
our  government  mto  their  hands,  to  create  a  national  bank,  to 
whose  vaults  they  will  carry  the  treasures  of  the  government— 
where  they  shall  be  controlled  by  the  British  aristocracy,  who 
will  own  the  stock  of  the  institution.  To  my  notion,  the  princi- 
ple of  banking,  as  now  carried  on  in  our  country,  and  proposed 
to  be  continued  by  the  British  Whig  party,  is  anti-democratic. 
The  banks,  it  is  true,  throw  out  upon  the  people  a  large  amount 
of  imaginary  money.  But  what  more  does  this  do  than  to  ena- 
ble the  rich  speculator  to  increase  his  already  overgrown  store,  by 
doubling  and  trebling  the  price  of  property,  without  doing  any- 
thing to  enhance  its  volue?  The  mechanic  and  the  laboring 
man  is  told,  however,  that  by  the  existence  of  banks  and  bank 
bills  in  our  country,  they  get  twice  the  amount  for  their  services 
which  would  be  given,  if  they  did  not  exist.  This  may  be  true. 
But  can  they  lay  up  the  more  1  I  believe  not.  For  they  must 
make  a  great  discount,  on  every  occasion,  from  the  currency 
they  receive  before  it  will  pay  for  the  necessaries  of  life,  even 

also  a  member  of  this  society,  and  has  lately  given  me  a  certificate  that  I 
was  one.  The  obligations  which  I  then  came  under,  I  have  faithfully 
performed.  WILLIAM  HENRY  HARRISON." 

Read  also  his  letter  to  William  B.  Calhonn,  in  1840.    Here  is  an  extract. 

"  While  only  18  years  of  age,  in  Virginia,  I  joined  an  Abolition  Society, 
and  with  others,  pledged  myself  to  do  every  thing  in  my  power  to  effect 
the  emancipation  of  slaves.  I  was  to  inherit  a  large  property  in  slaves, 
and  subsequently  not  only  emancipated  my  own,  out  purchased  others 
for  the  purpose  of  emancipating  them.    WM.  HENRY  HARRISON." 

(9.)  "  Should  I  be  asked  if  there  is  no  way  by  which  the  general  go- 
vernment can  aid  the  cause  of  emancipation,  I  answer,  that  it  has  long 
been  an  object  near  my  heart,  to  see  the  whole  of  its  surplus  rsvenues 
appropriated  to  that  object.  WILLIAM  H.  HARRISON." 


'  ■ 

ir 


1 1  '.'■ 

,1 


['('  .1' 


20 

at  a  double  price ;  and  then,  the  rent  of  a  shop  or  dwelling,  is  al< 
ways  more  than  treble  what  it  would  be  in  the  absence  of  a 
flood  of  paper  money.  So  that  the  speculator,  the  land  holder, 
and  the  money  dealer  are  the  only  gainers — while  all  the  produ- 
cing classes  are  losers.  A  few  banking  institutions  might  be  re- 
garded tolerable,  as  a  kind  of  necessary  evil,  for  commercial  pur- 
poses ;  but  the  natural  tendency  and  undeviat  ing  course  of  such 
mstitutions  are  to  make  the  rich  richer,  and  the  poor  poorer — to 
create  a  broad  distance  between  the  condition  of  a  few — very 
rich,  and  the  many — very  poor. 

Co-existent  with  us,  as  a  nation,  a  party  favorable  to  an  aris- 
tocracy— to  the  existence  of  different  orders  in  our  government, 
was  formed — and  has  been  continued  in  our  country.  My  au- 
thority for  the  assertion  is  the  record  of  the  times — and  with 
this  party  we  have  always  found  the  banking  interest  united.  (10.) 
Observation  has  shown  it  to  be  true  in  the  main  that  whenever 
there  has  been  a  new  bank  created,  a  new  batch  of  ari:  tocrats 
come  forth,  equal  in  number  with  the  persons  who  constituted  its 
board  of  directors.  Though  they  may  have  been  democrats, 
they  could  not  convert  the  bank  to  democracy — but  the  bank 
has  been  sure  to  convert  them  to  aristocracy. 

(10.)  Extract  from  the  Address  of  the  Democratic  members  of  the  New- 

York  Legislature. 
"Hamilton  wos  tke  leading  spirit  of  the  cabinet,  (Washington's.) 
More,  as  to  the  future  character  of  the  government,  depended  on  the  or- 
ganization and  administration  of  the  treasury  department,  at  that  time, 
than  on  any  other  department  of  the  government;  and  Hamilton,  true  to 
his  principles,  set  about  constructing  a  system  which  should  create  an  in- 
fluence in  congress  sufficient  to  counteract  tlie  will  of  the  people  and  as- 
similate that  body  to  the  corrupt  parliament  of  Great  Britain.  A  large 
amount  of  certificates  of  public  debt  for  articles  furnished  during  the  re- 
volutionary war,  was  out  standing,  which  had  been  purchased  by  specu- 
lators, at  half  to  one-tenth  of  their  nominal  amount.  Hamilton  proposed 
to  fund  these  at  par,  and  a  majority  being  secured  for  the  project,  some 
of  the  members  were  enabled  to  maLe  large  sums  of  money,  buying  them 
up  indirectly,  before  the  bill  passed.  His  next  project  was  the  assumption 
of  the  state  debts  contracted  during  the  revolutionary  war,  and  then  much 
depressed,  in  relation  to  which  much  the  same  game  was  played.  These 
means  secured  temporarily  a  majority  in  congress.  But,  says  Mr.  Jefler- 
son,  '  some  engine  of  influence  more  permanent,  must  be  contrived,  while 
these  myrmidons  were  still  in  place  to  carry  it  through  all  opposition. 
This  Engink  was  the  Bank  of  the  Uhited  States.'  While  the  gov- 
ernment remained  at  Philadelphia,  a  selection  of  members  of  both  houses 
were  constantly  kept  as  directors,  who  on  every  question  in'tei°sting  to 
that  institution,  or  the  views  of  the  federal  head,  voted  at  the  will  of  that 
head;  and  together  with  the  stockholding  members,  could  always  i.'>ake 
the  federal  vote  that  of  a  majority.  By  this  combination,  legislative  ex- 
positions were  given  to  the  constitution,  and  all  the  administrative  laws 
were  shaped  on  the  model  of  England  and  so  passed." 


up( 


I 


21 


»« Ask  me  not,"  says  Lavater,  "  if  I  am  loved  1  But  for  whati 
If  I  am  hatedl  But  why]"  This,  sir,  forms  a  proper  text  for 
an  inquiry  into  the  character  of  the  British  Whig  party. 

Every  British  aristocrat  who  lands  on  our  shores,  while  ha 
condemns  and  rails  at  our  Democratic  party,  and  our  democratic 
institutions,  is  always  found  to  have  pockets  full  of  compliments 
and  praises  for  the  principles  of  the  British  Whig  party.  Every 
British  merchant  or  speculator  resident  in  our  country — be  he 
Tory  or  Whig  in  England — is  a  British  Whig  here.  Is  notthii 
an  evidence  of  an  unison  of  principle  1  Most  certainly.  The 
British  foresee  that  a  continuance  of  the  extended  intercourse 
and  commercial  relations  which  now  exist  between  the  two  coun- 
tries, must  necessarily  result  in  the  formation  of  two  republics 
or  two  aristocracies.  England  must  become  a  republic,  or  the 
United  States  is  changed  to  an  aristocracy  like  England.  A 
war  between  the  two  countries,  it  is  true,  might  defer  the  result 
for  a  time — but  nevertheless,  it  must  so  happen  eventually.  Then 
is  it  not  natural,  and  to  be  expected,  that  there  will  be  unison  of 
feelin? — and  unison  of  action  between  the  aristocrats  of  Ameri- 
ca and  Great  Britain! 

The  fact  cannot  be  unknown  to  you,  that  this  British  Whig 
party,  which  is  made  up  of  the  aristocrats  known  as  federalists 
in  1798 — with  those  who  opposed  our  war  with  Great  Britain  in 
1812 — and  those  who  are  now  clammoring  for  more  banks,  ap- 
pear to  be  terribly  alarmed  at  the  thought  of  a  war  with  Great 
Britain.    Think  you  they  fear  her  power  1    They  do  not. 

The  well  organized  bands  of  Great  Britain  have  been  met  by 
the  undiciplined  yeomanry  of  our  country,  and  defeated — and 
they  may  be  again.  Great  Britain  could  never  subdue  us  with 
he'  sword — and  the  British  Whigs  know  that  fact.  There  is 
nothing  to  dread  in  the  power  of  Great  Britain — but  we  have 
this  to  fear — she  may  destroy  our  democracy  by  corrupting  our 
people  with  her  money  and  her  goods.  It  is  not  a  fear  of  the 
power  of  British  arms  which  occasions  the  aristocra^-c  part  of 
our  people  to  mourn  at  the  mere  thought  of  a  wa*  —but  they 
fear  a  war  with  Great  Britain,  because  it  would  put  far  away  the 
accomplishment  of  their  desires,  and  the  hope  ef  fixing  upon  our 
country  an  aristocratic  form  of  government ! 

Again :  It  is  proposed  by  the  British  Whig  party,  that  the  ge- 
neral government  should  assume  the  debts  contracted  by  the 
different  states  that  have  been  pursuing  a  mad  career  of  specu- 
lation, in  what  has  been  termed  internal  improvements— and 
that  the  public  domain  should  be  sold,  and  the  proceeds  applied 
to  pay  off  the  banks,  which  are  now  in  the  hands  of  the  British ; 
having  been  bought  up  with  their  goods  which  they  have  forced 
upon  our  people,  and  for  which  they  could  not  get  specie.   This 


22 


gives  to  the  British  aristocracy  a  direct  and  immediate  interest 
in  the  result  of  the  present  contest. (11.)    The  democracy  of  our 

(11.)  Extract  of  a  Letter  from  a  London  correspondents     ^T.  Y.  paper. 

"  Lmdm,  April  1, 1840. 

*'  Dear  Sir — I  cheerfully  avail  myself  of  this  oppcMrtunity  to  write 
you.    I  did  not  receive  yours  till  the  23d  ult.  *        *        *        * 

"  Yuu  I  know,  will  be  astonished  when  I  inform  you  that  our  capital- 
ists are  more  concerned  about  the  decision  of  the  States  in  regard  to  your 
next  President,  than  you  are— judging  fVom  the  tenor  of  your  last  letter. 
The  policy  pursued  by  the  Democratic  part}  of  your  country,  and  sus" 
tained  by  the  government  at  Washington,  is  alarmingly  disadvantageous 
to  the  rich  capitalists  of  this  country — and  hence  every  item  of  news  goes 
to  establish  an  opinion  that  your  Pre^^ident  and  his  ministers  are  losing 
ground,  is  received  with  astonishing  avidity;  and  the  general  mornine 
salute  in  Thread-and-needle-street  is, '  Any  thing  later  from  the  U.  States !' 
The  graat  question  of  discussion  now  is,  '  Will  the  United  States  persist 
in  recommending  the  Sub-Treasury  Law  ?'  and  this  one  question, 

"  '  Like  Aaron's  serpent,  swallows  up  the  rest.' 

"  It  is  th«  general  opinion  here,  that  if  this  project  is  carried  out,  the 
consequences  will  be  serious  to  our  manufactures,  and  also  to  all  other 
capi'-Iists.        ####*# 

"  For  it  is  tl»e  policy  of  Great  Britain,  ai  all  men  know,  to  keep  Ame- 
rica, and  indeed  all  other  countries  in  debt  to  her,  that  she  may  make 
them  tributary  to  her,  and  dependent  upon  her;  and  it  is  a  common  boast 
here,  that  the  United  States,  though  '  free  and  independent,'  are  never- 
theless as  much  colonies  of  Great  Britain  as  ever  they  were;  and  that 
though  they  make  their  own  laws,  yet  Great  Britain  has  something  to 
say  about  that  business  also;  because  she  has  such  a  vast  amount  of  mo- 
ney in  the  States  that  she  can  always  have  a  party  in  her  interest  there, 
strong  enough  to  keep  things  nearly  as  she  wishes  them  to  be.  This 
was  a  common  talk  here  a  while  ago,  but  the  Sub-Treasury  bill  has  cau- 
sed them  '  to  waive  the  conversation'  lately,  and  now  it  is  feared  that  the 
British  Government  will  be  beset  with  such  difficulties  as  will  cause  the 
throne  to  to»ter  to  its  base.'        *#*#«# 

"  It  was  thought  a  while  ago,  that  the  plan  proposed  by  Messrs.  Baring 
(fc  Co.,  which  received  the  sanction  of  the  leaders  of  the  Whig  party  of 
the  United  States,  bnt  was  anticipated  in  your  national  Senate  by  the 
Democratic  portion  thereof,  before  it  could  be  brought  forward  by  the 
Whig  members  as  a  public  measure,  would  be  adopted,  and  that  ihe 
American  Government  would  take  upon  itself  tlie  responsibility  rS  pay 
ing  those  debts,  but  now  there  is  no  hope.  It  seems  from  all  we  can  gath- 
er from  the  newspapers  and  letters  which  we  receive,  that  the  U.  Statee 
are  determined  to  cut  ofTall  communications  with  this  country;  and  it  is 
said  by  the  knowing  ones  here,  that  unless  the  present  administration 
is  defeated  at  the  next  presidential  election,  or  unless  it  reverses  its  policy 
on  the  purroncy  question,  it  will  lead,  not  merely  to  a  dangerous  crisis, 
but  prove  a  death-blow  lo  the  prosperity  of  England. 

' '  Mr. remarked  with  great  emphasis,  the  other  day — and  I  place 

great  confidence  in  what  he  says,  '  that  if  the  candidate  of  the  American 
financiers,  Gen.  Harrison,  was  not  elected,  the  great  financial  system  of 
England,  might  bid  farewell,  a  long  farewell,  to  all  its  greatness,'  and 
that  a  complete  revolution  in  all  our  government  aSairs  would  follow;  a» 


•I 

'f 


est 
our 

per, 

). 

'rite 


23 

country  are  opposed  to  the  assumption  of  these  state  debts  by 
the  general  government,  as  unconstitutional,  and  as  unjust  in  its 
effect  upon  the  people — which  vould  be  as  much  so,  as  to  re- 
quire the  industrious  and  discreet  man  to  contribute  to  pay  the 
debts  of  his  profligate  neighbor. 

With  a  hope  of  having  the  payment  of  these  state  bonds,  held 
by  the  British,  provided  for  by  our  general  govern meut,  they 
have  undertaken  to  assist  in  the  elevation  of  General  Harrison, 
and  their  friends,  the  British  Whig  party ;  and  to  accomplish 
this,  as  I  have  it  on  good  authority,  they  are  about  to  send  into 
our  country  large  sums  of  money,  to  be  used  for  bribery  and  bet- 
ting — and  otherwise  to  be  expended  in  the  attempt  to  produce 
an  influence  with  our  voters  in  behalf  of  their  friends  here — who 
propose  no  measures  which  do  not  directly  favor  the  withdrawal 
of  the  power  of  the  government  from  the  people.  One  of 
the  leading  measures  of  the  British  Whig  party,  is  to  carry  on 
a  series  of  internal  improvements  in  certain  of  the  states  at  the 
expense  of  the  national  treasury. (12.)  Now,  what  could  be  the 
effect  of  this  measure  but  consolidation — resulting  in  a  demand 
for  an  extent*  .1  and  increase  of  the  powers  of  the  generel  go- 
vernment, which  would  thus  be  made  to  require  strengthening — 
and  must  necessarily  be  followed  by  the  surrender  of  the  rights 
of  the  people  to  a  powerful  aristocracy. 

one,  though  not  the  least  of  the  effects  of  the  Sub-Treasury  law  of  the 
United  States. 

"  Our  papers  here,  openly  declare,  that  it  is  necessary  for  the  healthy 
maintenance  of  our  equilibrium,  and  a  perpetuation  of  monarchy,  that 
the  Democratic  party  of  America,  should  be  put  down;  and,  though  I  take 
no  part  in  these  questions,  yet  I  am  inclined  to  the  same  opinion." 

(12.)  That  General  Harrison  is  in  favor  of  this  measure,  is  clear.  In 
the  House  of  Representatives  on  the  18th  of  March  1818,  when  he  was  a 
member,  the  following  Resolutions  were  brought  up  for  action,  and  voted 
for  by  him. 

"  1.  That  Congress  has  power  under  the  Constitution,  to  appropriate 
money  for  the  construction  of  post  roads,  military,  and  other  roads,  of  ca- 
nals, and  for  the  improvement  of  water  courses. 

"  On  tiie  vote  being  taken,  it  was  decidffd  in  the  negative,  ayes  60, 
noes  75.     [Harrison  amongst  the  ayes.] 

"  2.  That  Congress  has  power  under  th«  Constitution  to  constnict  post 
roads,  and  military  roads,  provided,  that  private  property  be  not  taken 
for  public  use  without  just  compensation.  [82  ayes,  84  noes.  Harrison 
amongst  the  ayes.] 

"3.  That  Congress  has  power  mder  the  Constitution  to  construct 
roads  and  canals  necessary  for  commerce  bclween  the  States,  provided 
that  private  property  be  not  taken  for  public  purposes  without  just  com- 
pensation.    [74  ayes,  95  noes,  Harrison  amongst  the  ayes.  J 

"  4.  That  Congress  has  power  under  the  Constitution,  to  construct  ca- 
nals for  military  purposes,  provided  tliat  no  private  property  be  taken  for 
any  such  purpose,  withoHt  juft  compensation  being  made  therefor.  [81 
ayes,  83  noes,  Harrison  amongst  the  nye«.]" 


!! 


h 


±_ 


24 


I 


I  would  now,  sir,  inquire,  if  you  are  willing  to  be  numbered  in 
the  ranks  of  a  party,  whose  principles  are  thus  shown  to  be  anti- 
democratic— or  to  be  found  laboring  for  the  interests  of  the  op- 
pressors ot  your  own  country,  and  the  enemies  of  liberty  in  ours  1 
Do  you  suppose,  sir,  that  by  giving  your  support  to  that  party, 
you  will  in  any  manner  contribute  to  benefit  the  cause  of  your 
country,  or  find  favor  for  your  unfortunate  people  1  If  you  do,  in 
my  judgement  you  greatly  err.  Do  you  doubt  the  influence  of 
British  goldl  Then  look  at  the  bell-weather  of  the  aristocracy 
of  our  country.  He  is  marked  with  $52,000,  the  price  at  which 
he  was  bought.  You  may  see  many  others  in  the  party  label- 
led with  the  rate  of  their  purchase ;  and  have  not  these  all,  all, 
been  among  the  first  to  traduce  your  people — to  oppose  the 
cause  of  your  country — and  to  libel  and  villify  those  of  our  citi- 
zens who  have  offered  to  give  you  assistance  in  your  struggle  1 

By  assisting  to  put  the  government  of  this  country  into  the 
hands  of  a  party  acting  upon  such  principles  as  are  shown  to  be- 
long to  the  British  Whigs — such  principles  as  are  inscribed  upon 
their  banners — you  will  not  only  make  yourself  an  instrument  in 
fixing  incalculable  evil  upon  this  republic,  but  you  will  be  the 
means  of  assisting  to  rivet  the  chains  of  the  British  aristocracy 
upon  your  ovvn  country. 

For  the  Canadas,  I  have  yet  hopes — although  their  soil  is  now 
held  by  Great  Britain  with  a  glittering  and  panoplied  host,  which 
I  have  seen.  Yes,  I  have  seen  theru  exhibiting  "  all  the  pomp 
and  circumstance  of  war,"  and  moving  with  "the  pride  and  per- 
fectness  of  discipline ;"  and  I  have  been  oppressed  with  a  feel- 
ing of  humiliation  when  I  have  reflected  what  discipline  can  do 
towards  the  formation  of  an  army.  I  say  humiliation,  because, 
the  well  organized  bands  of  a  despot,  (like  the  British  troops  in 
Canada,)  can  by  skilful  dispositions  and  unity  of  effort,  always 
d.  jat  numbers,  vastly  superior,  of  men  animated  by  the  purest 
patriotism  that  ever  warmed  or  ennobled  the  heart,  but  unassis- 
ted by  a  practical  acquintance  with  war. 

But  we  have  good  authority  for  saying  "  the  battle  is  not  to 
the  strong."  The  best  corps  of  British  soldiers  sent  into  Ame- 
rica, have  been  defeated  by  Patriots,  half  armed  and  but  indiffe- 
rently organized.  The  host  of  the  Sennacherib  prevailed  not 
against  Jerusalem  ;  and  the  almost  countless  numbers  led  into 
Gicece  by  the  despot  of  Persia,  were  routed  on  the  plains  of 
Marathon.  The  chosen  bands  of  Great  Britain  were  met  at  Sa- 
ratoga by  the  yeomanry  of  America,  who  were  uninstructed  in 
the  art  of  war,  and  they  were  conquered — and  may  nat  the  yeo- 
manry of  the  Canadas  do  as  much  ?  That  they  will,  is  to  be  ex- 
pected ;  and  that  they  mrs  finally  succeed  in  bursting  the  gal- 
ling bands  of  political  slavery,  cannot  be  doubted : 


25 


"  For  freedom's  battle  once  begun, 
Sent  down  from  bleeding  sire  to  son, 
Though  often  lost,  is  ever  won." 

If  it  be  excepted  by  you,  that  the  course  of  the  present  admic- 
istration  of  our  government  has  been  against  the  interests  of 
your  country — I  answer  that  we  have  treaty  stipulations  with 
Great  Britain  which  it  is  proper  for  our  government  to  preserve 
until  it  is  agreed  by  the  whole  nation,  that  they  shall  be  disre* 
garded ;  and  if  you  charge  any  officer  of  our  government  with 
having  taken  steps  against  your  people,  and  those  of  our  citizens 
who  desired  to  give  you  aid,  which  was  uncalled  for  by  our  trea- 
ty obligations,  you  will  understand  that  there  was  no  approval 
given  for  those  acts  by  the  democratic  part  of  our  people — that 
plaudits  for  those  acts  alone  came  from  the  British  Whig  party, 
whose  organs  in  this  country,  sung  praises  in  tenor  and  treble, 
while  they  were  responded  to  in  base  by  the  Toronto  Patriot  and 
the  Montreal  Herald. 

Be  not  deceived !  The  cause  of  your  country  can  never  find 
support  with  the  Brit  jh  Whigs  of  this.  Be  not  disheartened ! 
But  let  the  proper  timo  come,  and  come  it  will,  for  the  people  of 
the  Canadas  to  make  the  effort  for  a  political  existence,  and  they 
will  then  find  themselves  liberally  succored  and  assisted  by  the 
democracy  of  America.  We  have  hearts  enough  willing  and 
hands  ready.  The  cause,  is  not  the  cause  of  your  country  alone 
— but  of  ours  and  of  all  mankind.  It  is  the  cause  of  free  govern- 
ment, of  religion,  and  of  God. 

I  have  written  this  letter  as  an  appeal  to  your  good  sense ; 
and  for  the  purpose  of  bringing  before  your  mind  some  of  the 
features  of  the  British  Whig  party  of  this  country,  which  may 
possibly  have  escaped  your  attention :  and  I  would  have  you  be 
assured  that  I  have  done  so  with  no  other  feelings  towards  you, 
than  those  of  respect  and  esteem.  My  only  desire  is  to  be  in- 
strumental in  the  extension  of  free  democratic  institutions  to  all 
the  people,  and  to  every  part  of  the  American  Continent — and  so 
far  as  in  me  lies,  to  assist  in  maintaining  them,  utiimpaired,  in 
the  land  of  my  birth,  where  they  have  been  bestowed,  and  where 
my  forefathers  assisted  in  establishing  the  first  altar  of  Liberty. 
Sir,  I  am, 

Very  respectfully. 

Your  obedient  servant, 

TH:  J.  SUTHERLAND. 


n;J 


LETTER  No.  II. 


fi 


m 


I    ' 


New.York,  June  15,  1840. 

To  Dr.  WoLFRED  Nelson, 

Late  of  Lower  Canada,  now  of  Plattsburgh,  N.  Y. : 

Dear  Sir — The  deep  solicitude  I  feel  that  the  democratic  in- 
stitutions of  this  country,  the  land  of  my  birth,  should  be  perpe- 
tuated and  preserved,  unimpaired,  and  be  handed  down  from 
this  generation  to  the  next,  as  they  were  given  to  us  by  our  fore- 
Jathers — with  the  hope,  which  I  entertain,  soon  to  see  the  bene- 
fits of  similar  institutions  extended  to  the  people  of  the  Canadas, 
has  prompted  me  to  address  you  once  more  on  a  subject  which  I 
deem  of  the  highest  moment  at  this  time,  to  every  lover  of  liber- 
ty and  the  equal  rights  of  man. 

It  cannot  be  doubted  that  so  long  as  Great  Britain  rests  her 
spreading  and  inordinate  dimensions  upon  her  conquests,  and 
her  colonies — just  so  long  the  people  of  that  nation  will  be  made 
to  submit  to  the  sway  and  government  of  a  moneyed  aristocracy ; 
and  whether  they,  who  exercise  the  government,  are  called 
Whigs  or  Tories,  they  will  be  aristocrats — or  call  them  if  you 
please,  Radicals  or  Reformers,  they  will  be  aristocrats  still,  with 
all  their  usual  charateristics  of — cash  and  corruption.  As  in 
Great  Britain  the  moneyed  power  and  the  government  is  in  firm 
alliance  to  oppose  the  people,  and  thereby  to  sustain  the  power  of 
the  one  and  the  wealth  of  the  other — so  whatever  influence  the 
British  aristocrats  may  have  with  the  citizens  of  this  republic, 
you  will  find  it  in  all  cases  operating  against  the  principles  of 
democracy,  and  openly  opposing  every  measure  which  may  seem 
to  be  calculated  to  favor  the  establishment  of  democratic  insti- 
tutions in  the  Canadas. 

When  the  great  charter  of  our  rights  was  adopted  in  this 
countrj  by  our  patriot  sires — when  our  political  freedom  was  es- 
tablished, and  our  independence  was  acknowledged,  the  enumies 
of  civil  liberty  and  equal  rights  were  not  made  friends  to  free 
institutions.  The  British  aristocracy  are  as  little  in  love  with 
our  democratic  form  of  government  at  this  time,  as  they  were 
at  the  moment  they  were  struggling  to  put  down  and  to  smother 
the  spirit  of  patriotism  and  of  liberty  which  burst  forth  at  Lex- 


'i 


i    i; 


27 


ington  and  Bunker  Hill :  and  may  not  the  British  aristocrats 
reasonably  be  supposed  as  ready  now  to  destroy  the  democracy 
of  our  country  as  they  were  then  to  oppose  its  establishment? 
British  influence  is  as  deadly  hostile,  at  this  time,  to  the  exis- 
tence of  democratic  institutions  in  America  as  were  their  mer- 
cenary bands  of  soldiers  who  were  brought  against  our  fore- 
fathers during  their  revolutionary  struggle  by  their  Gages,  their 
Howes,  their  Tarletons,  their  Rawdons,  and  their  Burgoynes  and 
Cornwallises,  and  require  as  much  vigilance  on  our  part  to  be 
resisted. 

The  influence  which  the  British  aristocracy  may  have  in  this 
country  almost  entirely  depends  upon  the  state  of  th^  commercial 
intercourse  between  the  two  ccuntries.  This  intercourse  has 
been  for  a  series  of  years  past  decidedly  to  the  advantage  of  the 
British,  and  to  the  injury  and  almost  to  the  ruination  of  our  coun- 
try. Therefore,  any  measure  of  our  government  which  may 
tend  to  deprive  the  British  of  this  advantage  in  trade,  will  not 
only  confer  pecuniary  benefits  on  our  people,  but  it  will  prove 
alike  a  measure  for  sustaining  and  extending  the  principles  and 
institutions  of  democracy. 

By  reviewing  the  records  of  the  commercial  intercourse  be- 
the  LFnited  States  and  Great  Britain,  we  shall  find  that  there 
has  been,  for  many  years,  an  annual  importation  of  British  ma- 
nufactures into  this  country,  amounting  in  value  to  more  than 
$90,000,000,  while  the  exportations  from  the  United  States  to 
to  that  country  amount  in  value  to  barely  $60,000,000.  Hence 
it  appears  the  British  have  an  advantage  in  their  trade  with  us, 
annually,  to  the  amount  of  ^SO.O'JOiOOO;  and  from  this  has  come 
the  result  that  our  country  is  drained  of  specie — our  people  are  in 
debt — our  manvfaeturers  are  ruined — and  British  goMs  have  taken 
the  place  of  those  of  every  kind,  which  should  have  been  produced  by 
our  own  hands — and  thus  it  is,  our  people  walk  upon  British  car- 
pets, sleep  under  British  blankets,  eat  upon  British  porcelain 
with  British  knives  and  forks,  drink  their  wine,  ("  gin-cocktails" 
or  "  hard-cider  /")  from  British  cut  glass,  and  parade  their  per- 
sons in  the  streets  and  public  places,  shining  in  British  cloths 
and  British  finery ;  and  while  it  so  exists  we  may  rest  assured 
that  our  people,  more  or  less,  will  imbibe  British  principles,  which 
will  have  the  effect  to  array  them  against  any  measures  for  the  li- 
beration of  your  country,  in  which  you  might  desire  aid  and  as- 
sistance from  us. 

To  counteract  these  evils  is  one  of  the  prominent  measures  of 
the  Democratic  party.  To  perpetuate  them  would  be  the  result 
of  the  measures  proposed  and  advocated  by  the  British  whigs 
of  this  country. 

A  prominent  measure  of  the  party  who  have  put  General  Har- 


1; 


38 


i|  f- 


!'  f;'i 


rison  in  nomination  for  the  Presidency,  is  a  high  tariff,  which 
they  advocate  as  a  protection  to  the  American  manufacturer. 
But  a  more  idle  scheme  for  the  purposes  of  protection,  could  not 
possibly  be  conceived  by  wiso  and  learned  statesmen.  Allow 
Great  Pritain  to  have  gold  and  silver  for  a  circulating  medium  in 
her  own  country,  while  we  have  a  paper  currency,  t^ich  ohepre- 
scribes  for  us,  and  no  duties  that  we  could  impose  on  her  manu- 
factures would  exclude  them  from  our  country,  or  protect  our 
own  in  the  least.  For  whatever  may  be  exacted  on  British 
goods,  in  the  way  ot  duties,  would  come  out  of  the  pockets  of 
the  consumer  in  this  country,  if  the  present  policy  of  our  com- 
mercia!  intercourse  be  continued — which  is  thus : 

Of  her  manufactures,  Great  Britain  exports  to  the  United 
States,  to  the  value  of  $90,000,000  annually.  For  $60,000,000 
of  this  amount,  she  takes  her  pay  in  the  produce  of  our  country, 
leaving  $30,000,000  to  be  paid  in  bullion,  or  otherwise.  Now, 
we  have  no  mines  by  the  coinage  from  which  we  are  able  to  af- 
ford an  annual  amount  of  thirty  millions  of  dollars  to  pay  for  Bri- 
tish goods — which  our  people  do  not  want.  But,  after  taking 
from  our  country  all  the  specie  they  can  glean,  to  make  up  for 
the  deficit,  the  British  take  the  stocks  of  our  nine  hundred  bankst 
which  they  have,  by  their  friends  and  agents  in  the  United  States, 
procured  to  be  created  for  the  express  purpose  of  paying  them- 
selves for  their  own  manufactures ;  and  whenever  bank  stock  has 
failed  to  be  procured  in  quantities  sufficient  for  the  purpose,  state 
bonds  have  been  made  to  meet  the  demanil ;  in  the  creation  of 
which  the  British  have  been  no  less  indirectly  concerned.  We 
have  imposed  duties  on  their  goods,  and  the  consumers  have 
paid  it,  and  British  manufactures  have  continued  to  flood  the 
country — while  new  creations  of  bank  stock,  and  an  increase  of 
bank  bills,  with  the  consequent  rise  in  the  price  of  labor  and  of 
every  kind  of  property,  has  enabled  the  British  manufacturer  to 
obtam  undiminished  prices  for  his  fabrics.  Nor  have  the  British 
been  compelled  even  to  afford  the  amount  of  the  duties  imposed 
on  their  goods  from  the  specie  which  their  agents  have  gathered 
in  our  country,  for  while  they  have  lugged  the  gold  and  silver 
from  our  shores,  they  have  been  permitted  to  pay  the  duties  n 
worthless  bank  paper,  on  which  there  were  but  promises  to  pay 
— that  which  the  institutions  had  not  in  their  vaults  to  give. 

What  has  most  facilitated  the  British  in  palming  their  manu- 
factures upon  us,  is  the  disposition  which  has  been  made  of  the 
duties  when  paid  in.  These  moneys  have  been  put  into  the 
possession  of  the  banks,  and  this  has  enabled  them  to  double  their 
issues,  and  thus  to  expand  the  currency,  and  blow  up  the  bub- 
ble of  speculation,  while  the  British  have  poured  into  our  coun- 
try their  manufactures  with  good  round  profits ;  making  the  ta- 


1 


29 


ch 

Br. 

lot 

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in 

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ish 

of 

m. 

fed 

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i 

try. 

ow. 

:' 

af. 

'. 

Jri- 

'S 

rifl^  which  was  said  to  have  been  put  on  for  the  purpose  of  their 
obstruction,  afford  the  very  means  of  bringing  their  goods  into 
the  country  at  an  increased  advantage  ;  and  such  is  the  condi- 
tion of  the  commercial  intercourse  between  the  two  countries 
which  it  is  the  avowed  policy  of  the  British  Whig  party  in  the 
United  States  to  continue.(l.) 

These  operations,  so  ruinous  in  their  efiect,  not  oiJy  upon  the 
currency  and  business  of  the  country,  but  upon  our  political  and 
social  condition,  are  now,  however,  in  part  frustrated  and  bro- 
ken up.  The  public  treasures  of  the  nation  have  been  with- 
drawn from  the  United  States  Bank,  (an  institution  most  deadly 
hostile  in  its  character  to  the  principles  of  free  government, 
which  is  now  wasting,  slowly,  what  is  left  of  its  once  bloated, 
but  now  poor,  lean  and  shrunken  form,  that  will  soon  pass,  "un- 
honored  and  unsung ;")  and  by  a  recent  enactment  of  our  Con- 
gress they  are  no  longer  to  be  given  to  the  keeping  of  irrespon- 
sible bankers ;  but  the  moneys  hereafter  collected  from  the  peo- 
ph  for  the  support  of  government  are  to  be  kept  in  the  hands  of 
the  people's  servants,  to  be  paid  out  and  used  only  for  the  purpo- 
ses for  which  they  are  levied;  and  the  duties  on  British  and 

(1.)  Extract  from  a  letter  received  very  recently,  by  a  commercial  gen- 
tleman in  New- York,  from  another  in  England. 

"  Mancliester,  England,  July  22, 1840. 

"  Our  business  continues  extremely  dull — and  1  see  little  prospect  of 
immediate  improvement.  Our  market  with  America,  is  in  a  measure  cut 
off,  and  if  your  Mobocratic  or  Democratic,  (as  it  is  called)  Administration, 
succeed  in  carrying  out  their  vile  measures  of  reforming  the  currency,  we 
may  expect  to  lose  our  foothold  in  the  United  States,  almost  entirely. 

"  I  see  your  papers  speak  with  much  confidence  of  the  success  of  Gen. 
Harrison  to  the  Presidency  office.  I  don't  know  who  he  is,  but  hope  he 
may  be  elected,  for  if  the  Aristocracy  in  America  do  not  succeed  now, 
they  may  expect  to  be  ruled  by  the  farming  and  laboring  classes  forever. 
I  know  very  well  that  your  currency  has  been  as  bad  as  any  thing  could 
well  be,  for  ymir  country,  and  was  well  calculated  to  inflate  prices  to  an 
unnatural  extent,  but  you  see,  as  long  as  that  was  the  case,  you  could 
send  no  produce  or  manufactures  abroad,  becouse  prices  were  lower  every 
where  else,  than  they  were  with  you.  and  WE  could  supply  all  other 
markets,  and  send  any  amount  to  your  country,  and  undersell  you  in  ev- 
ery thing  and  take  back  gold  in  return,  which  is  not  wanted  as  long  as 
your  banks  can  create  a  paper  currency  of  their  own;  so  you  see  all  your 
banking  interests  are  benefited,  your  aristocracy  and  rich  men  receive 
great  dividends,  the  laboring  classes,  as  long  as  they  can  get  enough  to 
eat  and  drink  ought  to  be  satisfied,  while  we  have  the  entire  control  of 
your  vast  country;  but  let  that  demagogue  Martin  Van  Buren  succeed, 
the  banks  lose  their  immense  power,  the  rich  and  high  born  will  lose  their 
proper  influence,  by  giving  a  more  equal  chance  to  the  low  herd;  your 
produce  growers  and  manufacturers  will  be  able  to  beard  US  in  our  own 
den,  while  the  market  that  we  have  had  in  your  country,  we  shall  be  cut 
entirely  ofl'from." 


30 


other  foreign  manufactures  are  hereafter  to  be  paid  in  gold  and 
silver,  the  legal  currency  of  our  country ;  and  bank  bills,  there- 
fore, will  no  longer  afford  a  passport  for  British  goods  to  the  Uni- 
ted States. 

This,  sir,  is  regarded,  by  every  true  democrat,  as  the  begin- 
ning of  a  glorious  reform ;  and  if  the  triumph  of  the  Democratic 
party,  who  have  thus  commenced  it,  at  the  coming  election,  shall 
allow  them  to  carry  it  out,  happy  indeed  will  it  be  for  this  coun- 
try ;  and,  then,  if  British  agents  here  are  allowed  to  create  no 
more  bank  stock,  or  state  bonds — our  currency  will  at  least  ac- 
quire a  broader  specie  basis — no  more  of  British  manufactures 
will  be  sent  into  our  country  than  our  own  products  will  be  ac- 
cepted for  in  payment — and  then  our  own  manufacturers  may 
create  their  fabrics,  and  sell  them  for  a  profit,  in  defiance  of  the 
competition  of  the  British  with  their  pauper  labor — and  they  will 
find  that  protection  for  their  own  manufactures  in  the  «•  specie 
system"  which  the  "  American  system,"  or  **  high  tariff  system" 
could  not  give ;  and  in  the  end  our  country  will  be  rid  of  British 
goods  and  British  influences. 

On  the  other  hand,  should  the  British  Whig  party  succeed  in 
placing  themselves  in  power  by  means  of  the  deceptions  they  are 
now  practising  upon  the  people,  what  evils  to  our  country  may 
we  not  expect.  Pandora's  box  will  then  be  opened !  Our 
country  will  continue  to  be  flooded  with  British  manufactures, 
and  American  manufactories  will  be  closed.  Gold  and  silver 
will  no  longer  form  even  a  part  of  our  circulating  medium — the 
specie  here  will  be  carried  off  and  its  place  supplied  by  a  flood 
of  paper  money,  which  will  pervade  the  country  and  the  whirl- 
wind of  speculation  will  continue  to  rage.  Another  national 
bank  will  be  ci-eated,  into  the  gorging  stomach  of  which  will  be 
thrown  the  money  of  the  people.  Its  stock  passes,  either  directly 
or  indirectly  into  the  hands  of  British  capitalists — and  it  becomes 
allied  to  the  great  central  moneyed  power  in  London — and  Great 
Britain  through  this  medium  will  then  as  effectually  control  the 
business  and  destinies  of  this  country  as  she  would  if  we  were 
again  colonies  of  her  crown.  Let  this  but  happen  and  you  and 
your  friends  may  cease  talking  of  a  revolution  in  the  Canadas, 
The  difference  of  tne  condition  of  your  country,  and  what  ours 
would  be  then,  *yould  not  be  worth  fighting  for !  While  you 
would  be  left  without  a  hope  for  your  country,  we  should  have  re- 
maining but  the  privilf  ^-^e  of  contemplating  what  we  might  have 
been,  if  we  had  not  suffered  our  glorious  inheritance,  which  was 
bequeathed  to  us  by  our  forefathers,  and  which  cost  them  such 
a  vast  amount  of  toil,  of  suffering,  of  blood  and  of  treasure,  bar- 
tered away. 

Should  the  British  Whig  party  get  into  power,  a  high  tariff',  no 


31 


> 


doubt,  will  be  levied  on  British  manufactures  imported  into  this 
country,  under  the  specious  pretext  of  protecting  American  man- 
ufactures. But  the  surplus  revenue  ihereiiy  created  would  be 
used  by  the  agents  of  the  British  themselves  to  increase  the  issues  of 
bank  paper,  and  consequently  to'  keep  up  an  exorbitant  price 
on  every  species  of  property — and  thus  enable  the  British  manu- 
facturers to  send  still  more  of  their  goods  into  our  country — and 
to  obtain  still  better  prices.  The  American  manufacturers  would 
receive  no  protection  whatever,  but  on  the  contrary  bo  for- 
bid to  attempt  a  competition  with  the  British  manufacturers 
— for  although  they  might  be  enabled  to  get  a  greater  price  for 
their  fabrics,  than  they  could  if  it  were  otherwise,  yet  the  in- 
creased price  of  labor  and  of  the  articles  which  they  must  neces- 
sarily consume,  would  throw  the  advantage  entirely  on  the  side 
of  the  British  manufacturers  with  their  pauper  laborers ;  and  the 
only  gainers  by  this  in  our  country  would  be  the  rich  bank  spe- 
culator— while  all  the  laborincf  classes,  who  are  the  principal 
consumers,  would  be  greatly  the  losers. 

Prom  the  moment  of  the  commencement  of  our  revolutionary 
struggle  up  to  the  present  date,  the  British  government  has  had 
its  friends  among  the  people  of  this  country ;  and  since  the  days 
of  our  republican  forefathers,  there  has  grown  up  in  our  land  a 
moneyed  aristocracy  of  great  strength,  and  alien  to  the  interest 
of  the  laboring  class  of  our  fellow-citizens,  making  every  thing 
of  the  nobility  of  wealth,  and  little  or  nothing  of  intellectual  or 
moral  worth ;  aiming  to  control  the  currency,  capital,  and  trade 
of  the  country,  and  boldly  aspiring  by  the  most  corrupt  applian- 
ces, to  legislative  and  governmental  control.  This  power  is  eve- 
ry where  awake ;  and  it  is  the  ever  ready  agent  of  the  British 
aristocracy  in  this  country. 

I  have  now,  sir,  but  to  ask,  if  you  are  willing  to  be  found  giv- 
ing aid  to  put  the  power  of  our  government  into  the  hands  of  this 
moneyed  aristocracy,  who  are  so  deadly  hostile  to  liberty  and 
equality  ?  That  these  moneyed  aristocrats  are  so  hostile,  we 
have  from  a  knowledge  of  the  principles  of  their  leading  men — 
from  their  open  opposition  to  the  measures  and  principles  of  de- 
mocracy and  their  adherence  to  British  influence  and  British 
interest;  and  from  the  sentiments  of  the  newspapers  they  support. 
Sir,  I  am. 

Very  respectfully, 

Your  obedient  servant, 

TH:  J.  SUTHERLAND. 


LETTER  No.  III. 


!■;■ 


m 


\if 


ii 


New.Yorh,  June  25, 1840. 

To  Dr.  WoLFRED  Nelson, 

Late  of  Lower  Canada,  now  of  Plattsburgh,  N.  Y. : 

Deae  Sir — I  penned  my  letter  of  the  15th  inst.  with  the  view 
te  make  that  my  last  communication  to  you  through  the  public 
prints.  But,  sir,  while  looking  over  the  gross  frauds  which  are 
daily  and  indefatigably  being  resorted  to  by  the  British  Whig 
party,  (in  their  present  game  for  power,)  to  deceive  the  people 
— and,  now,  beholding  their  leaders  endeavoring  to  combine  the 
rich,  by  assuring  to  them  the  creation  of  new  facilities  to  in- 
crease their  already  overgrown  store,  at  the  expense  of  the  la- 
boring man — to  attach  the  poor  with  the  devices  of  log  cabins, 
and  the  promise  of  high  prices  for  services,  and  goods  at  low  rate — 
to  bring  in  the  religious,  by  kissing  their  hands  to  the  church — to 
gather  the  dissolute,  by  dealing  out  to  them  potations  of  hard  ci- 
der— to  entice  the  young  and  vain,  by  bringing  women  and  girls  to 
their  pol'tical  meetings,  and  to  participate  in  their  processions 
and  spectacles — and  to  draw  the  friends  of  your  country  to  their 
course,  by  whispering  to  their  ears  a  hypocritical  profession  of 
patriotism  and  love  of  liberty,  in  order  to  procure  the  united  sup- 
port of  all  these,  for  the  candidate  they  have  put  in  nomination 
for  the  office  of  chief  magistrate  of  these  United  States — a  man 
with  nothing  but  a  factitious  character — the  mere  popinjay  of 
the  party  by  whom  he  has  been  brought  forward,  I  could  but  feel 
myself  justified  in  addressing  you  again  on  a  subject  to  which 
you  cannot,  at  least,  be  indifferent. 

In  the  nomination  of  General  Harrison  as  a  candidate  for  the 
office  of  President  of  the  United  States,  by  the  British  Whig 
party,  "  superior  or  splendid  talents  were  not  considered."  So 
says  their  State  Central  Committee.  «•  But,"  say  they  who  have 
put  him  in  nomination, "  we  can  make  a  glorious  rally  under  his 
banner  and  reach  the  hearts  of  the  people  by  his  services."  There- 
fore, you  will  perceive,  sir,  it  is  evident  that  they  thought  to  ob- 
tain for  him  more  consideration  for  his  past  services,  than  for  his 
talents  and  capacity  now  to  serve  the  people  in  the  office  for  which 
they  propose  him. 


33 


According  to  my  understanding  there  is  no  citizen  of  the  Uni. 
tod  States  who  can  establish  for  himself  claims  to  ate  office,  by 
any  services  which  he  may  render  his  country  in  another.  If 
the  people  confer  upon  a  citizen  an  office  which  he  accepts,  and 
he  performs  its  duties  faithfully,  according  to  the  best  of  his  abi< 
lities,  he  has  done  no  more  than  was  obligatory  upon  him ;  and 
when  he  has  received  the  salary  or  fees  annexed  to  the  of- 
fice, he  has  got  all  which  he  has  a  right  to  demand  of  the  people 
in  consideration  of  his  services.  Our  citizens  select  from  among 
themselves,  individuals  to  fill  the  offices  of  government  on  ac- 
count  of  their  supposed  capacity  to  serve  them  in  such  offices — 
and  they  do  not  give  their  public  offices  to  any  as  a  reward  for 
past  services,  however  faithfully  and  efficiently  those  services  may 
have  been  performed. 

Nevertheless,  I  would  not  be  understood  to  say,  that  when  a 
citizen  has  periled  his  life  in  the  defengp  of  his  country,  or  oth- 
erwise served  it  in  a  faithful  and  efficient  manner,  he  has  not  en- 
titled himself  to  the  esteem  of  his  fellow-citizens ;  and  God  for- 
bid that  I  should  be  found  laboring  to  tarnish  any  honestly  ac- 
quired fame,  or  to  destroy  the  esteem  which  such  person  may 
have  obtained  with  the  people  of  this  country.  But,  whenever 
a  citizen  lays  claims  to  merit,  for  his  services,  which  is  not  his 
due,  and  allows  himself  to  be  put  up  as  a  candidate  for  the  high- 
est office  in  the  gift  of  the  people,  and  asks  for  their  suffrages  on 
account  of  his  services,  then  the  services  of  such  citizen  become 
a  proper  subject  for  public  inquiry,  and  his  claim  to  honor  and 
merit  is  made  a  matter  for  the  consideration  of  the  people. 

If  the  claims  of  General  Harrison  for  the  suffrages  of  the  Ame- 
rican people,  are  alone  based  upon  the  merit  of  his  past  services, 
(which  are  only  in  a  rightful  manner  to  be  considered  as  afford- 
ing evidence  of  his  capacity  and  abilities  for  future  services,) 
then,  certainly,  the  nature  and  character  of  his  services  may  be 
inquired  into,  by  any  citizen,  without  being  justly  subjected  to 
the  charge  of  attempting  to  detract  from  any  merit  which  does 
really  belong  to  him,  and  if  upon  a  fair  examination  of  those  per- 
formances, in  which  General  Harrison  claims  to  have  rendered 
services  to  his  country,  it  is  shown  that  he  has  exhibited  a  want 
of  capacity  to  perform,  efficiently,  the  duties  of  any  office  with 
which  he  may  have  been  entrusted,  however  correct  his  inleru 
tions  might  have  been,  it  is  a  ffood  objection  to  him  now,  and  a 
sufficient  reason  why  he  should  not  at  the  coming  election  receive 
the  votes  of  the  people  of  the  United  States  for  the  highest  office 
within  their  gift. 

To  attempt  to  form  any  just  opinion  of  the  movements  and 
operations  of  an  army,  or  of  the  talents  and  capacity  of  its  com- 
mander, from  those  accounts  which  float  along  upon  the  public 

3 


.^l 


11  i 


94 


1^  i 


voice,  and  which  are  picked  up  and  catered,  by  the  condnctr^rs 
of  newppapprs,  to  foed  the  public  curiosity,  would  b«3  t-xtrcriiely 
idle.  Individuals  not  connected  with  an  army,  are  allowed  to 
obtain  but  very  littio  correct  information  of  its  movements  and 
operations;  and  the  only  information  worthy  to  be  relied  upon, 
is  that  which  comes  from  persons  holding  military  stations  with 
the  force — and  from  the  reports  of  the  commanding  offu  -^r. 
These  last  constitute,  by  far,  the  best  and  most  certain  ini'urma- 
tion,  upon  which  to  found  an  estimation  of  the  conduct  and  cha- 
racter ot  such  officer. 

In  the  report  of  the  proceedings  of  the  Congress  of  the  United 
States  on  the  17th  day  of  December,  1811,  there  appears  a  copy 
of  a  letter  over  the  name  of  General  Harrison,  bearing  date  at 
Vincennes,  I8th  of  Nov.  1811,  giving  a  detailed  ticcoiiiit  of  tlio 
"Battle  of  the  Wabash"  or  Tippecanoe  ;  which  letter  was  ad- 
dressed by  General  Harrison  to  the  Hon.  William  Eusiis,  thea 
Secretary  of  War,  ami  was  communicated  by  President  Madi- 
son to  the  House  of  Representatives.  The  letter  being  thus 
communicated,  and  appearing  with  the  published  procet  dings  of 
Congress,  puts  its  authenticity  beyond  a  doubt,  but  if  there  was 
any  thing  more  wanting  to  establish  its  genumeness  we  have  it 
in  the  declaration  of  General  Harrison  himself — "that  no  honest 
man  would  sufTer  his  friends  to  publish  documents  in  his  name 
which  were  not  genuine,  and  which  he  was  not  then  willing  to 
endorse."  Wherefore,  it  will  be  conceded,  that  this  account  of 
the  Battle  of  Tippecanoe,  may  be  taken  as  coming  from  General 
Harrison  himself,  a.id  just  as  it  would  now  be  endorsed  by  liini. 

By  referrmgto  the  accounts  given  of  the  occurroncos  of  those 
times,  it  appears  that  in  the  summer  and  autumn  of  1811,  the  In- 
dian  tribes  located  alon^  the  borders  of  our  Western  Territories 
had  assumed  attitudes  of  hostility  towards  our  frontier  settlfre, 
instigated,  as  it  was  supposed,  by  agents  of  the  British  Govern- 
ment, who  wer-'  then  even  more  hostile  to  our  people  than  the 
savages  theraselv'''s.  "In  the  year  1810,"  (says  the  National 
Intelligencer,  of  September,  1811,)  "a  Miaiii  Chief  havitjg  re- 
ceived at  Fort  Maiden  his  usual  donation  of  goods,  was  thus  ad- 
dressed by  Ellicott,  the  British  Agent :  ♦  My  son,  keep  your  eyes 
fixed  on  me — my  tomahawk  is  up — be  you  ready — but  do  not 
strike  until  1  give  you  the  signal !'  and  every  ace I'unt,"  (coru 
tinues  the  InleWgencer,)  "we  receive  from  that convuiy  confirms 
the  belief,  that  British  agents  among  the  Indiane  i-xcite  them 
against  us,  and  furnish  them  with  muskets,  powder,  ball,  provi- 
sions," &.C. 

A  great  belt  had  then  lately  been  sent  around  among  the  diffe- 
rent tribes  for  the  purpose  of  forming  a  confederacy  of  the  Indi- 
ans, in  order,  as  our  government  was  currently  advised,  "  to 


o 
t 


1!  '-! 


35 


tcrs 

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to 
and 
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^vith 
>r. 
•  ma- 
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opy 

e  at 

tlic 

ad- 

lieQ 

adU 

thus 

r3  of 


■roK^nt  the  great  tcatcrs  and  prevent  it  from  overjlowing  them ;" 
and  a  cliiefof  the  Sliawanese,  the  Propliet,  had  coliect(!daHrnaU 
body  of  Indian  warriors  at  his  town  on  the  northerly  side  of  the 
Wabash,  near  the  junction  of  tie  Tippecanoe  with  that  river, 
consistinff,  principally,  of  the  members  of  his  own  tribe,  but  re- 
inforced oy  a  few  warriors  from  the  neipliboringf  tribes,  with  a 
view,  as  it  was  supposed,  to  make  an  attack  upon  tlw  people  of 
the  frontiers  of  Indiana. 

Advitft'd  of  these  proceedings  on  the  part  of  the  Indians,  the 
President  of  the  United  States  issued  iiis  order  to  General  Har- 
rison, then  Governor  of  the  Territory  of  Indiana,  directing  him 
to  take  command  of  the  forces  of  the  United  States  stationed  in 
the  territorj',  consistir;ij  of  tiie  fourth  regiment  of  infantry,  and 
one  company  of  tho  7th  rc^jimcnt,  under  the  command  of  Colonel 
Boyd,  a  small  detachment  of  drajjoons,  and  a  fraction  of  a  compa- 
ny of  ridemen,  and  after  reinforcing  tliem  with  detachments  ot 
mounted  riflemen  and  Indiana  militia,  which  were  ordered  out 
for  that  purpose,  to  march  npontho  Prophet  with  such  force,  and 
to  chastise  him  for  his  insolence,  if  he  could  not  awe  him  into 
«ul)jection.  Tho  troops  for  ilm  expedition  having  been  concen- 
trated at  Vincenncs,  then  the  seat  of  government  of  the  territory, 
from  thence,  or  from  Fort  Harrison,  about  sixty  miles  above.  Ge- 
neral Harrison  took  up  his  lino  of  march,  sometime  about  the  be- 
ginning of  November.  On  the  second  or  third  day  of  the  same 
month,  lie  arrived  with  his  forces  at  Vermillion  river,  on  the 
northerly  side  of  the  Wabash,  where  he  erected  a  block  house,  for 
the  protection  of  his  b  lats,  which  he  was  there  obliged  to  leave, 
and  as  a  depository  for  his  heavy  baggage  and  such  part  of  his 
provisions  as  he  was  unable  to  transport  in  wagons. 

"  On  the  raoririRg  of  the  3d  instant,"  says  General  Ilnrrison,  in  hi«  nc- 
«c;ount  of  tho  btuiie  of  Tippecanoe,  "  I  commenced  my  march  from  the 
hlock  house.  The  VValiusli  above  tliis,  turning  considerably  to  the  east- 
ward. I  was  ohhged,  in  order  to  avoid  t!io  broken  and  wco-'y  coverts, 
whicii  border  upon  it,  to  change  my  course  westward  of  north,  to  gain 
<he  prairies  which  lie  to  it>e  back  of  those  woods.  At  the  end  of  one 
clay's  march.  1  was  cnabu  a  to  take  tho  proper  direction,  (N.  E.)  which 
brought  me  on  the  evening  of  the  5th,  to  a  small  creek  at  about  eleven 
miles  fiom  the  Prophet's  town.  I  had  on  the  preceding  day,  avoided  the 
dangerous  pass  of  I'ine  cr/.ink,  by  inclining  a  few  miles  to  the  left,  where 
The  troops  and  wagons  were  crossed  witli  expedition  and  safety.  Our 
ronto  on  the  Gth,  for  about  six  miles,  lay  through  prairies  separated  by 
^mall  points  of  wood." 

As  the  American  forcea  approached  within  four  or  five  miles 
of  the  Prophet's  town,  understanding  that  the  remaining  part  of 
the  route  was  through  an  open  wood,  and  the  probability  being 
greater  that  they  should  be  attacked  in  front  than  on  either  flank, 
<rieneral  Harrison  caused  his  troops  to  halt,  and  formed  them  in 
crdtr  ofhaitLe^  \a  manner  which  he  thus  djscribefi : 


/  • 


M 


^^.^ 


36 


■  k'-'i  I 


l-[ 


J. 


ill 


^:'^;,l. 


"  The  United  States  infantry  placed  in  the  antr^,  with  two  companies  of 
militia  infantry,  and  one  of  mounted  riflemen  on  eachjlavk,  formed  the  front 
line.  Jh  the  rear  of  this  Ime,  was  placed  the  baggage,  drai  '/p  as  com- 
pactly as  possible,  and  immediately  behind  it,  a  nEbtRVE  of  three  companies 
of  militia  infantry.  The  cavalry  formed  a  -jcojid  live,  at  the  distance  of 
three  hundred  yards  in  the  rear  of  the  front  line,  and  a  company  of  mounted 
riflemen,  the  advance  guard  at  that  distance  in  font.  To  facilitate  the 
march,  the  whole  were  then  broken  otTinto  short  columns  of  companies, 
a  situation  more  favorable  for  forming  in  order  of  battle  with  facility  and 
precision." 

This  order  of  battle  proposed  by  General  Harrison,  forms  no 
very  important  item  in  the  n<atters  presented  for  the  estimation 
of  his  character  as  a  military  chieftain,  as  the  formation  was  put 
to  no  test  by  him;  and  then  the  propriety  of  sue'.  -^  disposition  of 
his  force  to  receive  an  attack,  depended  more  upon  the  character 
of  the  troops  he  commanded,  for  discipline,  than  the  class  or 
corps  to  which  they  belonged  ;  but,  if  his  regulars  were  in  that 
state  of  dicipline  w^ich  such  troops  may  be  supposed  to  possess, 
and  his  militia  men  were  like  thos*^  v.e  have  usually  seen,  com- 
posed of  farmers,  mechanics  and  professional  mon,  assembled 
at  the  moment  from  their  various  avocatiori  of  life,  and  entirely 
ignorant  of  the  art  of  war,  then  Am  proposed  order  of  battle  was 
extremely  exceptionable. 

"  In  the  formation  of  my  troops,"  says  General  Harrison,  "  I  used  a 
single  rank,  or  what  is  termed  an  Indian  file — because  in  Indica  warfare, 
whe."-  there  is  no  sh^ck  to  resist,  one  rank  is  nearly  as  good  as  two  ; 
and  ill  that  kind  of  warfare,  the  extension  of  line  is  matter  of  the  Arst  im- 
portance." 

Assuming  this  to  be  correct,  iliere  would  have  been  great  error 
in  his  disposing  of  his  whole  regular  infantry  in  the  front  line, 
where,  in  case  of  an  attack,  they  would  be  compelled  to  do  the 
whole  of  the  fighting,  though  there  was  no  shock  to  be  met  which 
should  particularly  require  the  regular  troops  to  resist.  The  his- 
tory of  all  our  wars  exhibit  the  fact  that  the  best,  and  the  almost 
o-ily  sc-'Hce  obtained  from  recent  levies  of  raw  militia  in  field 
engagements,  is  at  the  onset.  The  militia  when  once  broken, 
are  seldom  rallied  again,  and  if  rallied  at  all,  it  is  only  by  the 
greatest  exertions;  whereas,  regular  diPcipHnf^d  troops,  when 
b»'nken,  are,  on  most  occasions,  rallied  with  facility.  So,  when 
the  militia,  or  those  troops  upon  which  the  dependence  is  the 
least,  are  placed  in  the  front  line  of  the  army,  if  they  are  broken, 
none  are  disappointed  ;  and  the  regular  force  being  in  the  second 
line,  and  remaining  firm  to  meet  the  pursuing  enemy,  produce  a 
shock  which  cannot  fail  to  :.e  greatly  felt  by  the  pursuers,  if  it 
does  not  overwhelm  them.  But,  if  otherwise,  the  regulator  best 
troops  of  the  army  arp  placed  in  the  front  lire,  and  made  to  be- 
gin the  battle,  it  is  difficult  afterwards  to  brir  g  forward  any  miii- 


37 

tia  force  to  take  a  part  in  the  fight.  Having  stood  by  to  sec 
blood  flow  for  the  first  time,  militiamen  are  not,  then,  readily 
brougiit  into  a  battle — and  the  regulars  are  left  to  finish,  Ah  well 
as  begin,  the  work  of  the  engagement ;  and  v.henever  the  roflru- 
lare,  upon  whom  is  placed  the  dependence  of  the  ar'^y,  are  b'lo- 
ken,  the  militia  are  at  once  struck  with  a  panic,  s  ad  a  defeat  and 
general  rout  is  the  result. 

From  this  I  infer  General  Harrisor*  to  have  been  in  erroTy  in 
prop-sing  to  place  Hie  whole  of  his  regular  force  of  infantry  in  his 
front  line.  A  portion  of  the  regulars,  at  least,  should  have  been 
formed  in  a  second  line.  Had  he  met  an  attack,  with  his  forces 
drawn  up  in  the  order  he  proposed,  and  his  first  line  had  been 
broken,  his  «« reserve  of  three  companies  of  militia  infantry"  would 
have  proved  of  but  small  account.(l.) 

(1.)  The  following  extract  from  history,  will  show  that  these  exceptions 
are  not  captious,  nor  without  support  from  military  authorities. 

"  Soon  after  taking  command  of  thb  Southern  army,  General  Greene 
despatched  General  Morgan,  with  four  hundred  continer.tals  under  Col. 
Howard,  Col.  Washington's  corps  of  dragoons,  and  a  few  militia,  amount- 
ing  in  all  to  about  six  hundred,  to  take  a  position  on  the  left  of  the  British 
army,  then  lying  at  Winnsborough,  under  Lord  Cornwallis,  while  he 
took  post  about  seventy  miles  to  his  right.  This  judicious  disposition,  ex- 
cited his  Lordship's  apprehensions  for  the  safety  of  Ninety-Six  and  Au- 
j;u8ta,  British  posts,  which  he  considered  as  menaced  by  the  movements 
of  Morgan. 

"  Colonel  TarIeton,with  a  strong  detachnient,  amounting  in  horse  and 
foot,  to  near  a  thousand  men,  was  immediately  despatched  by  Cornwallis, 
to  the  protection  of  Ninety-Six,  with  orders  to  bring  General  Morgan  to 
battle  if  possible.  To  the  ardent  temper  and  chivalrous  disposition  uf 
the  British  Colonel,  this  direction  was  perfectly  congenial.  Greatly  su- 
perior in  numbers,  he  advanced  on  Morgan  with  a  menacing  aspect,  and 
compelled  liim  at  {iri<  o  fall  back  rapidly.  But  the  retreat  uf  the  Ameri- 
can commander  was  not  long  continued.  Irritated  by  pursuit,  reinforced 
by  a  body  of  militia,  and  reposing  great  confidence  in  the  spirit  and  firm- 
ness of  his  regular  troops,  he  halted  at  the  Cowpens,  and  determined  to 
gratify  his  adversary  in  his  eagerness  fur  combat.  This  was  on  the  night 
of  the  16th  of  January,  1781.  Early  in  the  morning  of  the  succeeding 
day,  Tarleton  '^eing  apprised  of  the  situation  of  Morgan,  pressed  towards 
him  with  redoubled  rapidity,  lest  by  renewing  his  retreat,  he  shonid 
again  elude  him. 

"But  Morgan  now  had  other  thoughts  tnan  those  of  flight.  Already 
had  he  for  several  days  been  at  war  with  limself,  in  relation  to  his  con- 
duct. Glorying  in  kction,  his  spirit  recoiled  from  the  hrmiliation  of  re- 
treat, and  his  resentment  was  roused  by  the  insolence  ol'  pursuit.  This 
mental  conflict  becoming  more  intolerable  to  him  than  disaster  or  death, 
his  courage  triumphed  perhaps  over  his  prudence,  and  he  resolved  upon 
putting  every  thing  to  the  hazard  of  the  sword. 

"By  military  men  who  have  studied  the  subject,  his  disposition  of  bat- 
tle is  said  to  have  bt  jn  mast'  rly.  Two  light  parties  of  militia  wer^  ad- 
vanced  in  front,  wi)di  orders  lO  feel  the  enemy  as  they  approached;  and 
preserving  a  desultory  well-aimed  fire,  as  they  fell  back  to  the  front  line. 


3S 


m 


ri. 


''!■; 


TIte  army  proceeded  on  towards  the  Prophet's  Town. 

"  Our  march,"  says  General  Harrison,  "was  slow  and  cautious,  rreaS 
much  delayed  by  the  examination  of  every  place  which  seemed  calnulateiS 
for  an  ambuscade.  Indeed  the  ground  was  for  some  time  so  unfavorable^ 
that  I  was  obliged  to  change  tite  position  of  tl>e  several  corps,  three  timea^ 

to  range  with  if,  and  renew  the  (conflict.  Tiie  main  body  of  the  militia 
composed  this  line,  with  General  Pickens  at  its  head.  At  a  suitable  dis- 
tance rn  the  rear  of  the  first  Tin*,  a  second  was  stationed,  composed  of  the 
continental  infantry,  and  two  companies  of  Virginia  militia,  commanded 
by  Colonel  Howard.  Washington's  cavalry,  reinforced  with  a  company 
of  mounted  railitia,  armed  wilii  saijres,  were  held  in  reserve. 

"  Posting  himself,  then,  in  the  line  of  the  regulars,  he  wailed  in  silcncff 
the  advance  of  tjie  enemy. 

"Tarleton,  coming  in  sight,  hastily  formed  his  dispositian  for  battle,  and 
commenced  the  -jsault.  Of  this  condict,  the  folia  wing  picture  is  fron> 
rfie  pen  of  General  Lee  ; 

"  '  The  American  ligiit  parties  quickly  yielded,  foil  back  a»d  arrayetl 
with  Pickens.  The  enemy,  shouting,  rushed  I'orwartl  upon  the  front 
line,  which  retained  its  station,  and  poured  in  a  close  fire:  but  contin- 
uing to  advance  with  the  bayonet  on  our  militia,  they  retired,  and  gained; 
with  haste  the  «3Gond  line.  Here,  with  part  of  tlie  corps,  l^ickens  took, 
post  on  Howard's  right,  aiwJ  the  rest  lied  to  their  horses,  probably  witli 
orders  to  remove  tliem  to  a  farther  distance.  Tarlelon  pushed  forward, 
and  was  received  by  his  adversary  with  unshaken  firmness.  The  con- 
test became  obstinate;  and  each  party,  animated  by  the  example  of  its- 
leader,  nobly  csntended  for  victory.  Our  line  maintained  itself  so  firmly, 
as  to  oblige  the  enemy  to  order  up  his  reserve.  Th3  advance  of  McAr  • 
ihur  reanimt.ted  the  British  line,  which  again  moved  forward,  and  out- 
stretchinf  jui  front,  endangered  Colonel  Howard's  right.  This  othcer 
instantly  took  measures  to  defend  his  Hank,  by  directing  his  right  compa- 
ihy  to  change  it»  front;  but  mistaking  this  order,  the  company  fell  back, 
upon  which  the  line  began  to  retire,  aid  General  Morgan  directed  it  ta 
retreat  to  the  cavalry.  This  manoDUV  j  being  performed  with  precision, 
our  flank  became  relieved,  and  the  new  position  was  assumed  witii 
promptitude.  Considering  this  retrograde  movement  tlio  precursor  of 
ilight,  the  British  line  rushed  on  with  impetuosity  and  disoi-der,  but  as  it 
drew  near,  Howard  faced  about,  and  gave  it  a  close  and  murderous  lire. 
Stunned  by  this  unexpected  siiock,  the  most  advanced  of  the  enemy,  re- 
coiled in  confusion.  Howard  seized  the  happy  moment,  and  followed  hiff 
advantage  with  tho  bayonet.  This  decisive  step  gave  us  the  day.  The 
reserve  having  been  brought  near  the  line,  sliared  in  the  destruction  of 
our  fire,  and  presented  no  rallying  point  to  the  fugitives.  A  part  of  the 
enemy's  cavalry,  having  gained  our  rear,  fell  on  tiiat  portion  of  the  mili- 
\..\  who  had  retired  tO'  their  horses.  Washington  struck  at  themwi^h  his 
dragoons,  and  drove  them  before  him.  Thus  by  a  simultaneo  eflbrt, 
the  infantry  and  cavalry  of  the  enemy  were  routed.  Morgari  prcssej 
home  his  success,  and  the  pursuit  became  vigorous  and  gei>eral. 
'<^"  '  In  this  lecisive  battle,  we  lost  about  seventy  men,  of  whom,  twelve 
only  were  killed.  Tlie  British  infontry,  v,ith  the  exception  of  »lie  bag- 
gage guard,  were  nearly  all  killed  or  taken.  One  hundred,  including  ten 
officers,  were  killed;  twenty-three  officers  and  five  hundred  privates,  were 
taken.  The  artillery,  300  muskets,  two  standards,  thirty-five  baggagw- 
wagons,  and  one  hundred  dragoon  horses,  fell  mto  our  possession-'  " 


i:ll' 


39 


T 


ii:id 


»a  the  flislaiiciB  of  a  mile.  At  half  past  two  o''clock,  we  passed  a  6.7iaU 
creek  at  il»e  distance  of  one  mile  and  a  lialf  from  tl>o  town,  and  entered 
an  open  wood,  where  the  army  was  halted,  and  again  drawn  up  in  order 
<>(  battle." 

This  precautionary  course,  so  just  and  proper  to  secure  him- 
self against  ambcscade  or  surprise,  pursued  by  General  Harris 
son  in  his  approach  upon  the  Indians,  renders  still  more  strange 
and  unaccounrabjp,  his  extraordinary  remissness  alter  his  arrival 
at  the  Prophet's  Town.  A  natural  weakness  must,  indeed,  be 
attendant  upon  the  mind  of  that  man  who  could  exhibit  at  one 
time  so  much  praiseworthy  vigilance,and  at  the  next  moment,(with 
evidences  crowding  upon  hiin  of  the  danijers  by  which  he  was 
surrounded,  and  the  necessity  for  continued  vigilance,)  be  found 
tlisregarding  all  proper  prec  .ution,  and  thereby  afford  evidences 
of  such  a  want  of  ordinary  perception,  as  did  General  Karri- 
son,  according  to  his  own  account  of  his  conduct,  on  that  occa- 
sion. 

"  During  ihe  whole  of  the  last  day's  march,"  says  General  Harrison, 
''^parties  of  Jiidiaus  icne  co7)stantly  about  us,  and  every  fjfiwl  teas  made  by 
die irttei-prelers ■  ti'  specJc  to  tlieiii,  but  in  vain-!  New  attempts  of  the  kind 
were  no'  t  ma.  »  nt  proving  equally  ineflectual,  a  Captain  Dubois,  of  the 
spies  on  J      ' '  firing  to  go  with  a  flag  to  tlie  town,  I  despatched  him 

with  an  iu,.'?r) :;eter  to  request  a  conference  with  the  Propiiet;  \n  a  few  mo- 
monls,  a  message  was  sent  by  Captain  Dubois,  to  inform  me  that  in  his 
attempt  to  advance,  the  Indians  appeared  in  both  his  flanks,  and  although 
ire  had  spokew  to  them  in  the  mo3t  friendly  manner,  they  refused  to  an- 
swer, but  beckoned  him  to  go  forward,  and  constantly  endeavored  to  c.t 
hira  off  from  the  army>  V/jon  this  information,  I  recalled  the  Captain, 
and  determined  to  encamp  for  the  night,  and  take  some  other  means  for  opeu' 
t7!g  a  conference  with  the  Prophet,     (2.)  Whilst  I  was  engaged  in  tracing 

{2.)  Burr's  life  of  Harrison,  gives  the  following: 

"  The  Captain  started  forward  with  an  interpreter,  and  the  army  mo- 
ved slowly  after,  in  order  of  battle. 

"  The  gallant  envoy  had  not  been  gone  long,  before  he  sent  back  a 
fpessenger,  to  say  tliat  the  Indians  were  around  hnn  in  considerable  num- 
bers, and  endeavoring  to  cut  him  off  from  the  army;  and  that  they  would 
not  listen  to  the  interpreter.  The  Governor  immediately  recalled  the  Cap- 
lain,  and  resolving  to  tre(  '  '.  •  /ndians  as  enemies,  moved  on  to  attack  them. 
He  was  met  directly  n''  >•  '»y  three  Indians,  one  a  counsellor  of  the  Pro- 
phet. They  vvere  seiii  to  owvhy  the  army  was  advancing  upon  them, 
and  stated  that  the  F  Oi  •  t  is.  ^d  to  avoid  iiostilities,  and  had  sent  a  pa- 
cific message  by  the  li.dk .« '.  ->  .atched  by  the  Governor  from  Fort  Har- 
rison, but  that  these  men  ha  ;  '.fifortunately  taken  the  southern  route  in 
their  return,  and  thus  missed  tin.  army." 

Then,  in  an  article  in  the  Tippecanoe  Text-Iinok,  stated  to  be  an  ex- 
tmct  from  McAffee's  History  of  the  War  in  the  Western  country,  it  is  said: 

"Governor  Harrison,  during  tliis  last  effort  to  open  a  necotiaiion,  which 
was  sufiicient  to  show  his  wish  for  an  uccommodation,  resolved  no  longer 
to  hesitate  in  treating  the  Indi.tns  as  enemies,  lie,  therefore,  recalled  Cap- 
tain Dubois,  and  moved  on  with  a  ddsrmiiiatioii  to  attack  them,"    All  thcso 


40 


I    f 


i^'l 


m 


the  lines  for  the  encampment,  Major  Daviess,  who  commanded  the  dra- 
goons, came  up  to  inform  mc  that  he  had  penetrated  to  the  Indian  fields—' 
that  the  ground  was  entirely  open  and  favorable— thut  the  Indians  in  front, 
had  manifested  nothing  but  hostility,  and  had  answered  every  attempt  ta 
bring  them  to  a  parley,  with  contempt  and  insolence.  It  was  immediately 
advised  by  all  the  ofhcers  around  me,  to  move  forward.  A  similar  wish, 
indeed,  pervaded  all  the  army— it  was  drawn  up  in  excellent  order,  and 
every  man  appeared  eager  to  decide  the  contest  immediately.  Being  informed 
that  a  good  encampment  might  be  iiad  upon  the  Wabash,  I  yielded  to  what 
appeared  the  general  wish,  and  directed  tlie  troops  to  advance,  taking  care, 
however,  to  place  the  interpetrers  in  front,  with  directions  to  invite  n 
conference  with  any  Indians  they  might  meet  with.  We  had  not  advan- 
ced above  four  hundred  yards,  when  I  was  informed  that  three  Indians 
had  approached  the  advanced  guards,  and  had  expressed  a  wish  to  speak 
to  me.  I  found  upon  their  arrival,  that  one  of  them  was  a  man  in  great 
estimation  with  the  Prophet.  He  informed  me,  '  that  the  chiefs  were  mucli 
surprised  at  my  advanang  upon  them  so  rapidly— that  they  were  given  to 
understand  by  the  Delawares  and  Miamies,  whom  I  had  sent  to  them  a 
few  days  before,  that  I  won'd  not  advance  to  their  town,  until  I  had  re- 
ceived an  answer  to  my  demands  made  ih  "t.h  them.  That  this  answer  had 
been  despatched  by  the  Potawatamie  chiei  '  .  c,  who  had  accompanied 
the  Miomieg  and  Delawares  on  their  retu.  >t  they  had  left  the  Pro- 

phet's  town,  two  days  before,  with  a  design  i^  •  etme,  but  unfortunately 
taken  the  road  on  the  south  side  of  the  Wabash.'  I  answe  'ed  them  '  that  I 
hadno  intention  of  attacking  them,  until  I  had  discovered  that  they  would  not 
comply  with  the  demands  which  I  hadmade — that  I  would  go  on  and  encamp 
at  the  Wabash,  and  in  the  morning  would  have  a7i  interview  with  the  Prophet 
and  his  chiefs,  and  explain  to  them  the  determination  of  the  President — 
that  in  the  mean  time,  no  hostilities  should  be  committed.'  He  seemed 
much  pleased  with  this,  and  promised  m&  that  it  should  be  observed  on 
his  part.  I  then  resumed  my  march;  we  struck  the  cultivated  grounds 
about  five  hundred  yards  below  the  town,  but  as  they  extended  to  the 
bank  of  the  Wabash,  there  was  no  possibility  of  getting  an  encampment 
which  was  provided  with  both  wood  and  water.  My  guards  and  inter- 
preters being  still  with  the  advanced  guards,  and  taking  the  direction  of 
the  town,  the  armv  foI-Lowep,  and  advanced  within  about  150  yards, 
when  about  50  or  60  Indians  sallied  out,  and  with  loud  exclamations, 
called  to  the  cavalry  and  to  the  militia  infantry,  which  were  on  my  right 
flank,  to  halt.  1  immediately  advanced  to  the  front,  caused  the  army  to 
halt,  and  directed  an  interpreter  to  request  some  of  the  chiefs  to  come  to 
me.  In  a  few  moments,  the  man  who  had  been  with  me  before,  made  his 
appearance.  I  informed  him  that  my  object  for  the  present,  was  to  pro- 
cure a  good  piece  of  ground  to  encamp  on,  where  we  could  get  wood  and 
water— /f«  informed  vie  that  there  was  a  creek  to  the  norihtcest,  which  he  thought 
would  suit  our  purpose.  I  immediately  despatched  two  officers  to  examine 
it,  and  they  reported  that  the  situation  was  excellent.  I  then  took  leave 
of  the  chief,  and  a  mutual  promise  was  ngain  made  for  a  suspension  of 
hostilities  until  we  could  have  nn  interview  on  the  following  day." 

If  "during  the  wole  of  the  last  day's  march,  parties  of  Indians 
were  constantly  hovering  about  him,"  General  Harrison  was 

accounts  were  cither  published  by  General  Harrison — or  under  his  per- 
sonal supervision.  Which  is  the  truth  1  Let  his  confidential  committee 
answer. 


41 

thereby  notified,  that  they  were  reconnoitering  his  forces,  and  that 
they  were  keeping  a  good  look  out  upon  his  movements ;  and 
their  hostility  was  as  clearly  evidenced  by  the  fact,  "  that  every 
effort  thai  was  made  by  the  interpreters  to  speak  to  them,  was  but  in 
vain."  If  these  circumstances  had  not  satisfied  General 
Harrison,  that  the  Int'ians  were  belligerant  in  their  in* 
tentiuns  towards  him  and  his  army,  the  fact  that  they  refused  to 
communicate  with  Capt.  Dubois,  and  attempted  to  cut  him  off; 
and  the  communication  of  Major  Daviess,  "  that  the  Indians  in 
front  had  manifested  nothing  but  hostility,  and  answerd  every  at- 
tempt to  bring  them  to  a  parley,  with  contempt  and  insolence," 
ought  to  have  done  so— ought  to  have  put  him  on  his  guard, 
and  prompted  him  t..  the  greatest  precaution  against  a  surprise 
— and  by  efficiency  of  measures,  he  ought  to  have  satisfied  the 
Indians  of  the  strength  and  vigilance  of  his  army.  When  "  every 
man  appeared  eager  to  decide  the  contest,"  and  the  chiefs  of  the 
Indians  "  were  much  surprised  at  his  advancing  upon  them  so 
rapidly,"  was  it  not  then,  sir,  the  time  for  him  to  have  struck  the 
blow — or,  to  have  put  himself  in  such  position  as  to  have  been 
able  to  destroy  the  savages  at  the  moment  they  refused  his  terms  ? 
and  should  he  not  have  required  them  to  comply  instanter? 
Until  he  "had  received  an  answer  to  his  demands,"  should  he 
not,  1  would  again  inquire,  have  taken  and  held  possession  of 
their  town  ?  If  "  an  answer  had  been  dispatched  by  Winemac, 
who  had  gone  down  on  the  aouth  side  of  the  Wabash,"  the  Pro- 
phet, notwithstanding,  was  there,  ready  to  give  an  immediate 
answer  himself.  If  the  conduct  of  the  Indians  had  not  convinced 
General  Harrison  that  it  was  not  their  intension  to  comply  with 
his  demands,  I  know  not  what  could  have  done  so.  Until  iie  had 
Iiad  an  intci  view,  at  least  with  the  Prophet  himself,  his  troops 
should  not  have  laid  by  tlieir  arms.  Why  delay  till  morning  to 
demand  an  answer  which  had  already  been  made  up  by  the  Pro- 
phet and  sent  off  with  Winemac]  What  General,  (save  Har- 
rison,) who  had  regard  for  his  own  life  and  that  of  his  officers  and 
soldiers,  would  hav^  allowed  sleep  to  come  over  them,  while  they 
lay  within  the  grasp  of  a  hostile  wily  Indian  foe  1 

Energy  of  character  and  promptitude  of  action,  are  among  the 
most  essential  qualities  of  an  able  military  chieftain.  But,  these, 
without  promptitude  of  decision,  which  is  alone  to  be  found  where 
genius  abides,  would  leavj  an  individual  extremely  deficient  as 
the  commander  of  an  army.  Then,  sir,  I  ask  you,  and  every  oth- 
er individual  of  a  discerning  mind — and  I  care  not  whether  they 
have  so  nii:ch  knowledge  of  military  operations  as  a  spinster,  to 
read  the  account  of  the  battle  of  Tippecanoe,  as  given  by  General 
Harrison  himself,  and  tell  me  if  he  did  not,  by  his  own  showing, 
there  exhibit  a  most  palpable,  and  as  it  proved,  a  most  unfortu- 


m 


42 


m 


W  .; 


i>  ^ 


l!       :i 


nate  and  sinful  want  of  decision.  Having  onco  •'  determined  to 
encamp  for  the  night"  on  ground  of  his  own  choosing,  "  while 
he  was  tracing  the  lines  for  the  encampment,"  he  was  induced 
to  ^^  yield  to  tvliat  appeared  to  be  the  general  wish,  and  directed  the 
troops  to  advance."  This  ** general  wish*'  as  he  informs  us,  was 
^^  to  decide  the  contest  immediately.^'  But,  when  the  enemy  sent 
their  messengers  to  him  to  express  "their  surprise  at  liis  ad- 
vancing upon  them  so  rapidly,"  forsooth !  he  tells  the  savages 
"  he  had  no  intention  of  attacking  them — until  he  had  discovered 
that  they  would  not  comply  with  the  demands  which  he  had 
made" — a  matter  which  they  had  already  fully  shown  to  him 
by  their  deportment.  Yet,  notwithstanding,  he  suflers  "his  ad- 
vanced guards"  to  be  «•  followed  by  his  army,"  and  "  to  advance 
within  about  twenty-seven  rods"  of  the  Prophet's  Town — then 
when  he  hears  the  "  loud  exclamations"  of  the  frightened  sava- 
ges, "  he  advances  to  the  front  and  causes  his  army  to  halt,"  and 
at  the  request  of  the  terrified  Indians,  turns  off  to  the  left,  and 
takes  up  his  encampment  on  ground  selected  for  him  hy  his  savage 
foes ! 

"  But  stop,  sir,"  I  fancy  you  may  say,  "  You  are  assailing  Gen- 
eral Harrison's  reputation  as  an  officer — and  do  you  not  know 
that  his  conduct  at  the  Tippecanoe,  was  approved  of  by  President 
Madison,  and  that  his  military  genius  and  skill  has  been  applaud- 
ed by  Genew~'  Miller?"  That  I  do,  sir,  I  answer — and  I  do  fur- 
ther know,  that  the  learned  Bishop  Berkley  once  wrote  a  book  to 
prove  that  there  was  no  sxch  thing  as  matter;  and  that  the  Rever- 
end Gotten  Mather  wrote  another  book  with  a  view  to  prove  that 
there  were  such  creatures  as  witches !  Notwitl:standing,  every 
body  still  perceives  there  is  matter,  and  no  body  now  believes  in 
witches.(3.) 

(U. )  That  it  may  not  be  said  that  it  is  a  rib  vv  thing  to  question  General 
Harrison's  character'  as  a  military  commander,  and  that  1  am  among  the 
lirst  to  do  so,  1  give  the  following  extract  from  the  New-  York  Spectator, 
(if  October  20,  1813,  then  a  leading  federal  paper,  and  now  one  of  the  first 
oF  the  British  Whig  organs  of  this  state,  and  among  the  most  ardent  sup- 
porters of  General  Harrison  for  the  Presidency: 

"Harrison  was  employed,  and  Ohio  militiamen  hy  thousands,  and 
oven  tens  of  thousands,  placed  in  his  hands.  With  the  aid  of  the  unfor- 
fanate  Winchester,  ho  delivered  one  army  to  death  and  captivity  at  the 
kiver  Raisin;  and  sacrijked  half  of  aiiothei-  at 'Fokt:  Mkigs.'"  "He 
was  besieged  in  that  Fort  for  months  by  a  few  British  and  Indians  ;  and 
instead  of  marching  to  Maiden  or  retaking  Detroit,  ho  always  acted  on 
the  defensive. 

"  He  called  loudly,  more  than  once,  for  all  the  militia  of  Ohio,  to  save 
him  from  the  tomahawk  of  the  savage.  More  than  once,  Kentucky, 
Ohio,  Pennsylvania,  and  even  the  mountains  of  Virginia,  poured  forth 
their  motley  hosts  to  his  relief  and  rescue.  Discvmjiture,  cajitivilt/  and 
disgrace,  attended  all  his  movements." 


^ 


43 

"I  found  the  ground  destined  for  the  encampment,"  says  General  Har  • 
rison,  "  not  altogether  such  as  I  could  wish  it." 

Again,  by  turning  to  the  5th  voL  of  Niles'  Register,  page  172,  of  the  6th 
of  INovember,  1813,  the  following  passage  will  be  found: 

"  At  a  special  meeting  of  the  Couiuion  Council  of  New- York,  n  motion 
was  made  to  present  Major  (Jencrikl  Harrison  with  a  sword  and  the  free- 
dom of  the  city,  as  tiie  like  had  been  bestowed  on  Decatur,  Perry,  &c. 
But  the  motion  was  NEGATIVED  ;  Ayes  5— WOES  12." 

Then,  here  is  an  extract  from  the  Journals  of  the  fSenate  of  the  United 
States,  as  reported  in  Niles'  Register,  April  13,  ICIC: 

"  The  Senate  resumed  the  consideration  of  the  joint  resolution,  direct- 
ing medals  to  be  struck,  and,  together  with  the  thanks  of  Congress,  pre- 
sented to  Major  General  Harrison  and  Governor  Shelby,  and  for  other 
purposes.  After  some  discussion,  Mr.  Lacock  moved  to  amend  the  reso- 
lution, by  striking  therefrom  Mcjor  General  Harrison.  The  motion  was 
determined  in  the  affirmative,  by  the  following  vote: 

"  Yeas — Messrs.  Giilard,  Gore,  Hunter,  King,  Lacock,  Mason,  Roberts, 
Thompson,  Jackson,  Tait,  Turner  and  Varnum — 12. 

"  Nays — Messrs.  Barber,  Barry,  Coiidit,  Horsev,  Macon,  Morrow, 
Ruggles,  Talbot,  Wells,  and  Williams— 10." 

The  following  opinion  of  Gen.  Harrison's  military  qualifications,  was 
expressed  by  the  officers  of  his  army,  at  tbe  time  he  was  in  command. 
They  were  certainly  better  judges  then,  tliau  others  can  bo  after  the 
lapse  of  twenty-five  years. 

"  Grand  Camp,  Ohio  Mlitia,  August  29,  1813. 
******  "  Resolved,  That  alter  tiie  various 

requisitions  and  complicated  demands  from  his  Excellency,  Major  General 
Harrison,  we  highly  approve  of  his  Excellency,  the  Governor's  conduct 
on  the  occasion,  and  fully  coincide  with  iiim  in  the  propriety  of  leaving 
force  sufficient  to  answer  any  emergency.         »        #         #  #  • 

"  DU'  Resolved,  That  the  conduct  of  his  Excellency,  the  Commander- 
in-Chief,  WILLIAM  H.  HARRISON,  of  the  North-western  Army,  oa 
this  occasion,  is  shrouded  in  mystery,  and  to  us.  perfectly  inexplicable. 

**  Resolved,  That  the  foregoing  preamble  and  resolutions  bo  signed  by 
the  general  and  field  officers  and  commandants  of  independent  corps,  ap- 
proving the  same  in  their  own  and  in  behalf  of  tlieir  respective  com- 
mands; and  that  a  copy  of  the  proceedings  be  delivered  by  the  Secretary 
tc  his  Excellency  the  Governor,  and  a  copy  to  the  printer  at  Franklmton, 
and  each  of  the  printers  in  Chillicothe,  with  a  request  that  all  the  prin- 
ters in  the  State  would  give  publicity  to  the  same;  also,  that  the  same  be 
signed  by  the  president,  and  attested  by  the  secretary. 

"  JAMES  MANARY,  Brigadier  General,  President. 

"  Attest:  Ezra  Osburn,  Brigade  Quartermaster,  Secretary. 
Robert  Lucas,  Brig.  Gen.  Allen  Trimble,  Major, 

John  McDonald,  Col.  N.  Beasley,  Capt.  Com't. 

James  Denny,  Col.  James  Wilson,  Major, 

William  Keys,  Col.  Presly  Morris,  Brig.  Major, 

John  Furgison,  Col.  John  Boggs,  Major. 

Isaac  Bonser,  Col.  Wm.  Rutledgc,  Brig.  Major, 

James  Kilgore,  Major,  Richard  Hooker,  Capt.  Com't. 

John  Willet,  Major,  Eden  Fennimoro,  Brig.  Q.  M. 

"WILLIAM  KEY  BOND,  Judge  Advocate," 


t 
J. 


44 


;r.1 


f  flj 


Why,  then,  in  the  name  of  common  sense,  did  he  puthia  army 
dcrt'n  upon  itl  The  possession  of  the  most  ordinary  perceptive 
faculties  would  have  sent  him  to  some  other  spot.  Why  was 
the  ground  "not  altogether  such  as  he  could  wish  iti"  To  this 
question,  he  affords  the  answer.  The  ground,  he  says,  "  was 
indeed,  admirably  calculated  for  the  encampment  of  regular 
troops  that  were  opposed  to  regulars — but  it  afforded  great  faci- 
lity to  the  approach  of  savages .'"  Were  his  troops  opposed  to 
regulars — or  were  there  any  in  the  country  from  ivhom  he  might 
fear  an  attack  1  No — not  one!  But  there  was  an  Indian  foe 
whom  he  had  marched  out  to  subdue,  and  whose  approach,  un- 
der the  cover  of  night,  he  had  leason  to  fear.  Yet,  (as  we  have 
it  in  his  own  account  of  his  conduct,)  within  an  enemy's  territory, 
and  that  enemy  savages,  "  who  had  manifested  nothing  but  hos- 
tility," he  encamped  his  men,  and  suffered  them  to  sleep  on 
ground  pointed  out  for  him  by  the  enemy,  and  which  he  also 
knew  **  afforded  great  facilities  to  the  approach  of  savages." 

General  Harrison  states  that  he  followed  the  practice  of  Gene- 
ral Wayne,  in  the  formation  of  the  columns  of  his  army,  and  it 
would  seem  that  there  were  much  more  which  he  might  have 
copied  to  advantage  from  the  conduct  of  the  old  hero  of  the  In- 
dian wars.  Had  General  Harrison  remembered  the  lessons  of 
military  instruction  which  were  communicated  to  him  by  General 
Wayne,  he  had  not  applied  to  his  enemy  to  point  out  to  him  the 
ground  on  which  he  loas  to  encamp  his  army.  For  it  is  well 
known  to  have  been  the  principle  and  practice  of  Wayne,  not 
to  let  his  adversary  know  where  his  men  were  encamped  for  the 
night. 

"It  was  a  piece  of  dry  oak  land,"  says  General  Harrison,  "rising 
ahoitt  ten  feet  above  the  level  of  the  marshy  prairie  in  front,  (towards  the  In- 
dian town,)  and  nearly  twice  that  height,  above  a  similar  prairie  in  the 
rear,  through  which,  and  near  to  this  bank  ran  a  HmaWaiTeamclothedwith 
willows,  aiid  other  limshwood.  Towards  the  left  flank,  this  bencli  of  high 
land  widened  considr/rably,  but  became  gradually  narrower  in  the  oppo- 
site direction,  and  at  the  distance  of  one  liundred  and  fifty  yards  from  the 
right  flank,  terminated  in  an  abrupt  point.  The  two  columns  of  infantry, 
occupied  the  front  and  rear  of  this  ground,  at  the  distance  of  about 
one  hundred  and  fifty  yards  from  each  other  on  the  left,  and  something 

Gen,  Miller,  who  lately  wrote  a  letter  to  the  Hon.  Mr.  Webster  bols- 
tering up  Gen.  Harrison's  military  character,  told  a  different  story  at 
Hancock,  N.  H.,  where  the  people  gave  him  a  public  dinner,  directly  af- 
ter the  war.  In  his  speech  on  that  occasion.  Gen.  Miller,  after  compli- 
menting most  of  the  promintint  officers  of  thearmy,  said,  "  as  for  General 
Harrison,  he  sliould  not  speak  of  him  as  HE  DID  NOT  CONSIDER 
HIM  AS  POSSESSING  EITHER  THE  COURAGE  OR  ABILITIES 
NECESSARY  TO  MAKE  A  GOOD  OFFICER."  This  can  be  proved 
by  unimpeachable  evidence,  if  Gen.  Miller  or  his  friends  deny  it. — Bost. 
Post, 


rmy 
tive 
was 
this 
was 
ular 
'aci- 
to 
ight 
foe 


45 

more  than  half  that  distance  on  tho  right  flank — these  flnnki  were  filled 
up,  tlie  first,  by  two  companies  of  moimtedrijleinen,  nmounting  to  about  one 
hundred  and  twenty  men,  under  tho  command  of  Major  General  Wells  of 
the  Kentucky  militia,  who  served  as  Major;  the  other  by  Spericer'a  com- 
pany of  viounted  riflemm,  which  amounted  to  eighty  men.  The  front  line 
was  composed  of  one  battalion  of  United  Stotes  infantry,  under  com- 
mand of  Major  Floyd,  flanked  on  the  right  hy  two  covipanies  oi  mWxlm,  and 
on  the  left  by  one  company.  The  rear  line  was  composed  of  a  battalion 
of  United  States  troops,  under  the  command  of  Captain  Baen,  acting  as 
Major,  and  four  companies  of  militia  ivfantry,  under  Lieutenant  Colonel 
Decker.  The  regular  troojif)  of  the  line  joined  the  mounted  ritlernen,  un- 
der General  Wells  on  the  left  flank:  and  Colonel  Decker's  battalion  form- 
ed an  angle  with  Spencer's  company  on  the  left,  fright.]  (4.) 

"  Two  troops  of  dragoons,  amounting  to,  in  the  aggregate,  about  sixty 
men,  were  encamped  in  the  rear  of  the  left  flank,  and  Captain  Parke's 
troop,  which  was  larger  than  the  other  two,  in  the  rear  of  the  front  line. 
Our  order  of  encampment  varied  little  from  that  above  described,  excep- 
ting when  some  peculiarity  of  the  ground  made  it  necessary.  For  a  night 
attack,  the  order  of  encampment,  was  the  order  of  battle,  and  each  man 
slept  immediately  opposite  to  his  post  in  tho  line.  It  was  my  constant 
custom,  to  assemble  all  the  field  oflficers.  at  my  tent  every  evening,  by 
signal — to  give  them  the  watch-word  and  their  instructions  for  the  night 
— those  given  the  night  of  the  sixth,  were  that  each  corps  which  formed 
a  part  of  the  exterior  line  of  the  encampment,  should  hold  its  own  ground 
until  relieved.  The  dragoons  were  directed  to  parade,  dismounted,  in 
case  of  a  night  attack,  with  their  pistols  in  their  belts,  and  to  act  as  a 
corps  de  reserve.  The  camp  was  defended  by  two  captain's  guards,  con- 
sisting each  of  four  non-commissioned  officers  and  forty-two  privates,  and 
two  subaltern's  guards  of  twenty  non-commissioned  officers  and  privates. 
Tne  whole  under  the  command  of  a  field  officer  of  tho  day." 

(4.)  In  the  Tippecanoe  Text-Book,  pije  10  and  11,  appears  an  extract 
from  McAffee's  history,  with  a  certificate  of  Waller  Taylor,  who  was  aid 
to  General  Harrif.on.  certifying  that  the  same  is  entirely  correct,  as  it  re- 
lates to  the  situation  of  the  ground  upon  which  Harrison  encamped  his  ar- 
ray. Mr.  Taylor  in  his  certificate,  says—"  the  spot  was  selected  by  him- 
self and  one  Clark,  who  acted  as  Brigade  Major  to  Colonel  Boyd,"  and 
hp  declares  "  that  no  intimation  was  given  by  the  Indians  of  their  wish 
that  the  Americans  should  encamp  there.'"  Mr.  Walter  Clark  also  further 
certifies — "  that  he  did  not  go  to  the  Wahaxh  above  the  town — but  that  it 
has  ever  been  his  belief  [strong  testimony  !]  that  the  position  General 
Harrison's  army  occupied,  was  the  best  that  could  be  found  any  where 
near  them;  and  that  he  believed  that  nine-tenths  of  the  officers  were  of 
that  opinion:"  and  "J.  Snelling.  Lieutenant  Colonel  of  the  6th  infantry," 
gives  his  certificate  also,  "  that  in  his  opinion,  the  ground  on  which  the 
army  encamped,  combined  the  advantage  of  wood  and  water,  and  a  de- 
fensible position  in  a  greater  degree  than  any  other  spot  in  that  section 
of  the  country." 

These  certificates  were  made  to  sustain  General  Harrinon's  character, 
as  a  military  chieftain.  But  the  only  force  I  can  discover  in  them,  is  to 
contradict  General  Harrison.  If  he  has  written  truly,  then  their  certifi- 
cates pass  for  nothing.  Further,  if  General  lii\rt\aon  trusted  no  Colonel  or 
other  officer,  as  he  has  himself  stated,  the  certificates  of  his  subordinates 
are  without  credit. 


46 


,1; 


Such  was  the  tllsposition  midc  by  Gon.  Ilarrison  of  his  forces, 
on  the  ill-fated  evening  of  the  Glh  of  November,  1811,  when  hie 
people  lay  down  to  sleep,  to  be  awakened  by  "the  yells  of  the 
savages," — and  many  were  aroused  i)Ut  to  meet  the  Indians  at 
the  door  of  their  tents,  and  to  have  their  brains  knocked  out 
with  their  murderous tomiiliawks.  "The camp  was  defended  by 
two  captain's  guards,  consisting  nnch  of  four  non-commissioned 
officers  and  forty-two  privates  and  two  subaltern's  guards  of 
twenty  non-commissioned  officers  and  privates."  Tliis  formH 
an  aggregate  of  112  officers,  non-commissioned  officers  anu 
privates.  Deducting  for  the  officers  and  non-commissioned  of- 
ficers twelve,  the  guards  are  sdown  to  have  embraced  one  hun- 
dred sentinels,  which  by  appointing  one-third,  the  usual  number, 
to  be  on  duty  at  a  time,  would  give  men  for  thirty-three  posts 
with  single  sentinels;  and  thefo  camp  guards  were  all  the  pro- 
tection which  was  aHbrded  to  General  Harrison  and  his  sleeping 
army.  Not  a  picket  did  he  send  out !  Not  a  single  out-post  did 
he  establish,  to  watch  the  movements  of  the  enemy ! 

«» It  may,  perhaps,  be  imagined,"  says  General  Harrison,  "  that 
some  means  might  have  been  adopted,  to  have  made  a  more 
early  discovery  of  the  approach  of  the  enemy  to  our  camp — 
but,"  continues  ho,  "if  I  had  employed  two-thirds  of  the  army, 
on  out-posts,  it  would  have  been  ineffectual."  Who,  ever  be- 
fore, or  since,  has  read  or  heard  of  a  commander  of  an  army 
having  put  himself  do^vii  within  the  neighborhood  of  an  enemy, 
and  under  his  v»Ty  eye,  without  sending  out  a  single  picket,  or 
establishing  an  out-post  to  observe  the  movements  of  his  adver- 
sary? In  this.  General  Harrit^on's  conduct  is  wittiout  a  parallel; 
and  what  is  his  excuse?  Why,  "that  if  he  hadu^ed  two-tliird< 
of  his  army  for  that  purpose,  it  would  have  been  ineffectual;  that 
the  Indians  would  have  found  means  to  pass  between  them !" 
JMonstrous  !  It  is  but  a  common  circumstance  that  pickets  and 
out-posts  arc  surprised  and  cut  off  and  that  sen'inels  are  evaded 
— but  what  commander,  save  General  Harrison,  with  the  sup- 
position that  this  might  pose-bly  be  done,  has  neglected  to  esta- 
blish  out- posts,  to  send  out  pickets  and  to  post  sentinels?  In 
my  opinion,  if  General  Harrison  had  acted  with  due  precaution, 
even  after  he  had  taken  up  his  position  on  the  untavorable 
ground,  (for  him,)  which  had  been  pointed  out  by  his  enemy,  he 
would  have  established  out- posts  in  or  so  near  the  Prophet's  town, 
as  to  have  been  able  to  watch  the  movements  of  the  Indians — 
with  pickets  sent  out  in  difTorent  directions  from  his  camp,  taking 
posts  at  such  places  as  affijrded  the  best  advantage  to  observe 
the  approacli  of  the  savages  ;  and  to  these  he  would  have  added 
frequent  patroles.  Had  he  made  such  precautionary  arrangements, 
(instead  of  laying  himself  down  to  sleep  with  but  a  few  senti- 


«'  .'fc 


47 

ncls  within  hia  camp,)  though  they  all  might  possibly  havn  been 
evaded  by  tlio  savages,  the  probability  is,  lliat  they  wou'd  not, 
at  least,  ho  far  as  to  have  allowed  them  to  furround  his  wholo 
force,  before  he  was  aware  of  their  approach.  One  would  have 
supposed  that  the  vigilance  of  the  Indians,  "who  were  constantly 
about  him  durii  ^'  the  whole  of  the  last  day's  march,"  observing  his 
movements  and  liis  every  step,  would  have  admonished  General 
Harrison  of  the  necessity  of  keeping  a  look  out  for  them,  (if  his 
military  genius  had  not  suggested  it  to  his  mind,)but  it  seems  it 
(lid  not. 

The  wholo  conduct  of  General  Harrison  on  that  occasion,  so 
unfortunate  toour  fellow-citizens  who  served  under  his  command, 
was  highly  censurable.  Any  one  who  will  take  the  trouble  to 
examine  the  account  published  by  himself,  will  find  nothing  to 
commend — but  every  thing  to  condemn.  The  forces  of  General 
Harrison,  amounted  to  very  little  above  eight  hundred  non-com' 
missioned  officers  and  "privates.  Tho  Prophet's  forces,  he  thinks 
to  have  been  but  a  trifle  inferior  to  his  own.  He  is  *^ convinced 
they  were  at  least  six  hundred.'^  The  Indians  had  observed  all 
his  pr-viotis  movements,  and  when  they  saw  him  enscoiiced  in 
camp  on  I  he  extremity  of  the  table  of  land,  just  where  they  desi- 
red him,  surrounded  by  marshy  prairies  and  bushes  close  up  to 
his  linos,  within  which,  (as  they  found,  upon  reconnoitering,)  the 
whole  of  his  forces  were  drawn,  quiet  and  sleeping,  with  not  a 
man  outi^ido  of  the  lines  of  his  camp  to  observe  their  movements — 
they,  no  doubt,  thought  his  people  an  easy  prey — they  then  looked 
upon  G!>noral  Harrison  and  his  men,  as  they  did  upon  the  animals 
that  blindly  run  into  their  snares — and  trusting  in  the  weakness 
as  well  as  the  unwaryness  (jf  the  Americans,  and  the  advanta- 
ges  which  a  surprise  would  afTord  them,  and  being  emboldened 
by  the  n«ar  equality  of  their  numbers,  they  resolved  to  make  tlie 
attack,  which  resulted  in  the  killing  and  woundingof  one  hundred 
and  ei'fhty-cight  of  the  Americans,  among  which  number  fell 
some  of  thu  most  valuable  and  exalted  citizens  of  our  country, 
at  the  expense  of  the  lives  of  thirty-six  or  forty  of  the  Indians — 
who  had  been  mistaken ;  fir  what  they  supposed  the  rccakness  ot 
the  Ame:  jans,  was  but  the  weakness  of  their  General! 

The  following  is  the  account  given  by  General  Harrison  of  the 
proceedings  of  his  forces  during  the  attack  : 

"  The  troops  were  rogiilarly  called  up  an  hour  before  day,  and  made  to 
continue  underarms  until  it  was  quite  light.  On  the  morning  of  the  7th 
I  had  risen  at  a  qunrtcr  after  four  o'clock,  and  the  signal  for  ctiling  out 
the  men,  would  have  hecn  given  in  two  minutes,  when  the  aUack  com- 
menced. It  t)egari  on  the  left  flank — but  a  sivgte  gun  wns  fired  by  the  sen- 
tinets,  or  hy  tlie  guard  in  that  direction,  which  made  not  the  lenst  resist- 
ance, i)ut  almndoned  the  officer,  and  fled  into  camp,  and  the  first  notice 
which  the  troops  of  that  flank  had  of  the  danger,  was  from  the  yells  of  the 


48 


II  •; 


j/i»fl4<'i,  teilh'in  a  short  dUtanc*  of  the  /j/i*— but  evea  under  those  circum* 
atnnct'S,  the  men  were  not  wanting  to  thomselveii  or  to  the  oucusion.  Such 
of  tliem  an  were  awake,  or  were  easily  awakened,  seized  their  arms  and  took 
their  stations :  ot/ters  which  were  more  tardy,  had  to  cottteiid  with  the  eiumy 
in  the  doors  of  their  tents.  The  siorm  /irnt  foil  upon  Captain  Barton't 
company  of  mounted  ritlemen,  which  formed  the  Ifft  angle  of  the  rear  line. 
The  fire  upon  these  was  oxccsaively  severe,  and  thoy  sud'ered  considera- 
bly before  relief  could  be  brought  to  them.  Hume  few  Indinns  passed  into 
the  encampment  near  the  angle,  and  one  or  two  penetrated  to  some  dis- 
tnnce  before  Ihey  were  killed.  I  believe  all  the  other  companios  were  un- 
der orms,  and  tolerably  formed  before  thoy  were  fired  on.  'I'ho  morning 
was  dark  and  cloudy — our  fires  affonkd  a  partial  light,  which,  if  it  gave 
us  some  opportunity  of  taking  our  position:!,  wiis  still  more  advantageous 
to  the  enemy,  affording  them  the  means  of  taking  a  surer  aim — they  were 
therefore  extinguished  as  soon  us  possible.  Under  all  those  discouraging 
circumstances,  tlie  troops,  (ninoteen-twentieths  of  whom  had  never  been 
in  an  action  before,)  behaved  in  a  manner  that  can  never  be  too  much  ap- 
plauded. I'hey  took  their  places  without  noise,  and  with  less  confusion 
than  could  have  been  expected  from  veterans  placed  in  a  similar  situation. 
As  soon  as  I  could  mount  my  horse,  I  rode  to  the  angle  that  was  attacked — 
I  found  tliat  Barton's  company  hadsuflered  severely,  and  the  left  of  Gei- 
ger's  entirely  broken.  I  immediately  ordered  Cook's  company,  anr!  the 
late  Captain  Wentworth's,  under  Liejitenant  Peters,  to  be  brought  iipfrom 
the  centre  of  the  raar  line,  where  the  ground  was  much  more  defensible, 
and  formed  across  the  angle  in  support  of  Barton's  a'ld  Ueiger's.  My  at- 
tention was  then  engaged  6y  a  heavy  firing  from  the  left  of  the  front  line, 
where  wore  stationed  the  small  company  of  United  Stales  Riflemen,  (then, 
however,  armed  with  muskets,)  and  the compa lies  of  liaen,  Sn-lling,  and 
Prescott,  of  the  4th  regiment.  I  found  Mnjor  J  )uvic8s  forming  th"  Dragoons, 
in  the  rear  of  those  companies,  and  understanding  that  the  heaviest  part 
of  the  enemy's  (ire  proceeded  from  sonie  trees  about  fifieen  or  twenty  pa- 
ces in  front  of  those  companies,  I  directed  the  Major  to  dislodge  them 
ioith  a  part  of  the  Dragoons.  Unfortunately,  the  Major  s  gallantry  deter- 
mined him  to  execute  tlie  order  with  a  smaller  force  than  was  siffficient,  which 
enabled  the  enemy  to  avoid  him  in  front,  and  attack  h's flanks.  The  Major 
was  mortally  woutided,  arid  his  party  driven  back.  The  Indians  were,  how- 
ever, immediately  and  gallantly  dislodged  from  their  advantageous!  posi- 
tion, by  Captain  Snelling,  r*  the  head  of  his  company.  Li  the  course  of 
a  few  minutes  after  the  commencement  of  the  attack,  the  fire  extended  along 

the  LEFT  FtANK,  the  WHOLE  OF  THE  FRONT,    the  RIGHT  FLANK,  and  PART 

of  the  rear  line.  Upon  Spencer's  mounted  Riflemen,  and  the  right  of 
Warwick's  company,  which  was  posted  on  tlio  right  of  the  roar  line,  it 
was  excessively  severe;  Captain  .Spencer  and  his  first  and  second  Lieu- 
tenants were  killed,  and  Captain  Warwick  was  morlally  wounded — those 
companies,  however,  still  bravely  maintaining  their  posts,  but  Spencer's 
had  suffered  so  severely,  and  having  originally  ton  much  ground  to  occu- 
py, [  reinforced  them  with  Robb's  company  of  Riflemen,  which  lind  been 
driven,  or  by  mistake,  ordered  from  their  position,  on  the  left  Hank,  to- 
wards the  centre  of  the  camp,  and  filled  the  vacancy  thnt  had  been  occu- 
Sied  by  Robb  with  Prescott' s  company  of  the  4th  United  States  Regiment. 
[y  great  object  was  to  keep  the  lines  entire,  to  prevent  the  enemy  from 
breaking  into  the  camp,  until  day-light,  which  snould  enable  me  to  make 
a  general  and  effectual  charge.  With  this  view,  I  I  ad  reinforced  every 
part  of  the  line  that  had  suffered  much;  and  as  soon  as  the  approach  of 


49 

morning  diicovored  itself,  I  witlidrow  from  the  front  lino  SiuUiHg'i,  Po- 
9*y'»,  (under  Lieutenant  Albrig.Jj  and  Scott's — and  from  tiie  roar  line. 

WiUon's  companies,  and  drew  them  up  upon  tho  left  flnnk,  and  at  the 
■ame  time,  I  ordered  Cook's  and  Saen's  companies,  the  former  IVora  the 
roar,  tho  latter  from  the  front  line,  to  reinforce  the  right  Hank;  foroaoeing 
that  at  these  points,  the  enemy  would  make  their  last  efTorts.     Major 

WelU,  who  commanded  on  the  left  flank,  not  knowing  my  intentions  pre- 
cisely, had  taken  the  coinntfind  of  t/tese  companies,  and  charged  the  enemy,  be- 
fore  I  liad  formed  the  dragoons,  with  which  I  meant  to  support  tho  in- 
fantry; a  small  detachment  of  these,  wore,  however,  ready,  and  proved 
amply  sufficient  for  the  purpose.  The  Indians  were  driven  at  the  point 
of  the  bayonet,  and  the  dragoons  pursued  and  forred  them  into  tho  marsh, 
where  they  could  not  be  followed.  Captain  Cook  and  Lieutenant  Lar- 
abee  had,  agreeably  to  my  order,  marched  their  companion  to  the  right 
flank,  had  formed  them  under  the  fire  of  the  enemy,  and  being  then  joined 
by  the  riflemen  of  that  flank,  had  charged  the  Tndimt->,  killed  a  number,  and 
put  the  rest  to  a  precipitate  flight.  A  flavor^  ble  oppo  •tunity  was  here  offered 
to  pursue  the  enemy  with  dragoons,  but  being  engaged  at  tliat  time  on  tht 
other  flank,  I  did  not  observe  it  until  it  was  too  late."{i,) 

Such  is  General  Harrison's  account  of  the  affair  at  Tippeca- 
noe— so  disgraceful  to  him,  as  a  military  commander — and  unfor- 

(5.)  DIAGRAM  OF  THE  BATTLE  OF  TIPPECANOE. 


1  Prescott,  SSnellins,  SLaiaboe,  7  Hawkins,  U  S  inf.  commanded  by  Major 
Floyrt.— 2  Brown,  4  Cook,  6  Peters,  8  Banon,  U.  S.  inf.  comiiiandod  by  Captain 
Baen.— 9  Scott,  11  Albright,  Indiana  tniliiia,  r.uminanded  by  Major  Redmond— 
10  Warwick,  12  Wilson,  13  Hargrove,  14  Wilkins,  coininanded  i)y  Lieut.  Col. 
Uecker.— 15  Robb,  16  Geijier,  mounted  riflemen,  commanded  by  Major  Wells. 

— 17    Spencer,  mounted  riflemen,  commanded  by  Capt.  Spencer— 18 ,  If 

,  20  Parke,  dragoons,  cuuiuianded  by  Major  Daviess. 


50 


1    .1  ?i . 


tnnate  to  the  brave  men  whorr  he  commanded.  He  eilhwed 
his  army  to  be  placed  in  a  position  where  they  could  ;iot  aet, 
and  to  be  surprised — and  all  they  could  the/i  do,  was  to  keep  their 
liaes  entire,  and  the  savages  from  penetrating  their  camp,  until 
daylight,  (as  it  was  stated  by  General  Harrison  ;)  and  standing 
there  in  their  places  they  could  but  receive  the  shot  of  the  ene- 
my, the  darknass  of  night  preventing  any  movement  by  them  * 
and  though  they  might  fire  their  rifles  in  the  direction  of  the 
foe,  their  shots  were  but  at  random — and  when  the  day  dawned 
the  Indiana  were  easily  routed ;  the  hopes  of  the  savages  having 
been  based  upon  a  surprise,  and  the  condition  of  th<^ir  unwary 
adversary — if  no  charge  at  all  had  been  made  uron  them  by  the 
Americans,  the  light  of  the  morning  would  have  dispersed  them. 

The  attack  «« begar,  on  the  left  Jtank** — and  the  first  notice  the 
troops  on  that  flank  had  of  their  danger,  was  **from  the  yells  of 
the  savages,"  who  were  then  already  upon  them.  "  Such  ofikem,'* 
says  General  Harrison,  ♦«  as  were  awake,  or  easily  avjakened,  sei- 
zed their  arms  and  took  their  stations :  others  which  were  more 
tardy,  had  to  contend  with  the  enemy  in  the  door  of  their  <e?i/s."(6.) 

How  different  would  it  have  been  with  our  people  if  they  had 
been  the  attacking  party,  instead  of  the  Indians?  The  spirit  of 
Major  Daviess  might  answer  the  question  ! 

(S.)  The  Tippecanoe  Text-Book,  says— "They  (Gen,  H.  and  his  ar- 
my,) toere  no^  surpriskd,  as  has  been  asserted;  for  it  will  be  seen  by  re- 
ferring to  Niles'  Register,  vol.  II.  p.  56,  that  three  captains,  one  ensign, 
one  surgeon  and  one  assistant  surgeon  of  the  4th  United  Stages  infantry, 
have  published  certificates  and  statements  relative  to  the  battle,  in  which 
the  prudence.and  skill  o''  General  Harrisou  are  represented  in  the  most 
honorable  light." 

Well,  now,  shall  we  believe  these  3  captains,  1  ensign,  1  surgeon 
arid  1  surgeon's  mate — or  shall  wo  believe  General  Harrison,  himself? 
Does  he  noi  Jescribe  a  surprise  when  ho  says,  "such  of  them  as  wersv 
awake  1"  &c. 

Again:  in  the  Tippecanoe  Text-Book,  it  will  be  found,  that  that  very 
publication,  which  has  been  got  out  bv  the  British  Whigs,  for  the  express 
purpose  of  patching  up  General  Harrison  as  a  hero,  has  given  us  the  in- 
formation ■'  th  it  three  Indians  attacked  Col.  E.  Geiger  in  his  tent,  at  one 
time — that  he  killed  one,  and  vanquished  the  other  two,  when  he  was 
wounded  in  the  arm.  That  Major  Floyd  fought  like  '^Jsesar  in  his  shirt 
t!iif,  and  clothed  himself  with  victory.*'  Is  not  .his,  too,  a  picture  of  a 
turprise? 

Then,  again:  Burr's  life  of  Harrison,  just  as  plainly  gives  the  lie  to  the 
statement  of  the  Tipp:amoe  Text-Book,  ihat  General  Harrison  '*  was 
not  snrprisfd."  It  says—*'  The  treacherous  Indians  had  crept  vp  so  near 
the  sentries,  as  to  hear  them  challenge  when  relieved.  They  intended  to  rush 
upon  the  .^entries  and  kill  them  before  fliei/  could  fire;  but  one  of  them  disco-- 
veredan  Indian  creeping  toicrird  him  in  the  grass  and  fired.  This  was  im- 
mediately followed  by  the  Indian  yell  and  a  desperate  charge  upon  the 
left  aank." 


11'     !l 

M 


51 

However  surprisi  ng  was  General  Harrisoii^s  whole  conduct, 
ihere  was  nothing  'n  it  more  so,  than  the  fact  that  he  had  euf- 
V3red  his  camp  fires  to  burn  through  the  night.  They  afforded 
by  the  light  they  threw  out,  every  facility  that  could  be  desired, 
for  the  Indians  to  observe  the  position  of  his  men,  while  it  was 
as  effeeUiKl  in  secluding  the  India.^.s  in  their  apprcacb;  from  the 
observation  of  his  oentinela;  and  when  the  attack  began,  it  ena- 
bled the  Indians  to  single  out  his  officers,  who  were  readily  dis- 
tinguished by  their  active  movements  in  arousing  and  forming 
the  men.  That  his  burning  camp  Sres  had  such  an  operation  is 
evidenced  by  the  fact,  that  there  were  seven  officers  killed,  and 
nine  wounded — makin<.  _  'ai  of  sixietn^  hore  du  combat,  which 
is  full  half  af  the  number  o!  the  officers  that  properly  belong  to 
eight  or  nine  hundred  men,  the  amount  of  the  forces  which  Gen> 
^ral  Harrison  had  under  his  command  ;  and  those  who  fell  were 
the  most  gallant  and  efficient  of  his  army.  (7.) 

(7.)  A  general  return  of  the  killed  und  wounded  of  the  army  under  the 
command  of  his  Excellency  William  Henry  Harrison.  Governor  and 
Commander- m-Chief  of  t'>e  Indiana  Territory,  in  the  action  with  the  In- 
-dians,  near  Prophet's  Town,  November  7,  1811. 

Kiited—Qae  aid-de-catnp,  one  contain,  two  subalterns,  one  sei^eant, 
Swo  corporals,  thirty  privates. 

Woimded— -since  dead—Oae  major,  two  captains,  twenty-two  privates. 
WouTtded— Two  lieutenant-rolonels,  one  adjutant,  nine  sei^geoats,  five 
<?orporals,  one  musician,  and  one  hundred  and  two  privates. 
Total  killed  and  wounded— 188. 

Names  of  ofFir^ers  killed  and  wounded,  as  per  general  return. 
Generai.  Staff. — Killed— 'Colonel  Abraham  Owens,  aid-de-carap  to 
the  ComTiander-in-chief. 

FiEtu  AVB  Sta'^f. —  W^aa«rfe</— Lieutenant-Colonel  Joseph  Bartholo- 
mew, commanding  Indiana  .'aiiitia  infantry  ;  Lieutenant-Colonel  Luke 
Decker,  of  do. ;  Major  ^/...seph  H.  Dcviess,  since  dead,  commanding  a 
squadron  of  dragoons;  Doctor  Edward  Scu.'l,  of  the  Indiana  militia;  Ad- 
jutant Jamos  Huuter,  of  mounted  riflen  en. 
Ufiittd  States  inf.  includmp;  tlic  late  Captain  Wlutney's  rifle  company. 
Wounded — Captain  W.  C.  Baen,  acting  mrjor,  since  dead;  Lieutenant 
George  1*.  Peters;  Lieutenant  George  Gooding;  Ensign  Henry  Burch- 
astead. 

Colonel  DecL-r's  detachment  of  Irtdiana  militia. 
WoMJided — Captain  Jacob  Warwick,  sinco  dead. 

Major  Rednvoud's  dettichment  of  JjuUatia  miliiia, 
IVoimded—Capiain  John  Norris. 

Major  Well's  detach.nent  of  mounted  riflemen. 
Wounded — Captain  Frederick  Geiger. 
Captain  8j  neer't  comjjony,  including  Lieuten.  it  Bery's  detachment  of 

mounted  riflemen. 
KiUed— Captain  Spier  Spencer;  Fjnst  Lieutenant  Richard  McMaban; 
Lieutenant  I'homas  Berry. 

NATH.  F.  ADAMS,  Adjutant  of  the  Army. 
To  his  Excellency  the  Commander-in-Chief. 


62 


The  battle  had  begun  under  what  General  Harrison,  hinteelf, 
calls  "discouraging  circumstances."  His  people  were  fallen 
upon  in  their  beds  by  the  savages.  The  assault  commenced  on 
the  rear  of  the  left — where  the  guard  fled  in  "  without  firing  but 
one  single  shot."  Had  an  out>post  been  stationed  in  the  vicini- 
ty, it  is  not  to  be  supposed  that  they  all  would  have  behaved  in 
like  manner  and  fled  into  camp  without  firing  so  as  to  alarm 
the  whole  army  before  the  Indians  were  upon  them.  But  there 
were  no  out-posts.  Soon  after  the  attack  commenced,  as  we 
are  informed  by  General  Harrison,  "  having  his  attention  enga- 
ged by  a  heavy  firing  from  the  left  of  his  front  line,"  he  proceed- 
ed in  that  direction,  where  he  states  he  found  Major  Daviess  form- 
ing the  dragoons,  <*and  understanding  that  the  heaviest  part  of 
the  enemy's  fire  proceeded  from  some  trees,  about  fifteen  or 
twenty  paces  iii  front,  he  directed  the  major  to  dislodge  them 
with  a  part  of  the  dragoons."  But  what  part  of  the  dragoons 
were  then  formed,  or  what  part  of  them  he  directed  Major  Daviess 
to  make  the  charge  with,  does  not  appear.  He  tells  us,  howe- 
ver, "  that  unfortunately  the  major's  gallantry  determined  him  to 
execute  the  order  with  a  smaller  force  than  was  sufficient,  which 
enabled  the  Indians  to  avoid  him  in  front,  and  to  attack  his 
flanks — ^that  the  major  was  mortally  wounded,  and  his  party  dri- 
ven back."  This  is,  to  say  the  least  of  it,  an  ingenious  manner, 
if  not  an  honorable  one,  for  a  Commander-in-Chief  to  account  for 
the  failure  of  a  movement  made  under  his  own  personal  direction. 
Major  Daviess  was  among  the  dead,  when  General  Harrison 
drew  up  his  account — and  he  could  not  contradict  it,  however 
false  the  statements  of  his  general  might  be.  If  I  should  en- 
deavor to  make  the  account  probable,  I  would  suppose  that  Ma- 
jor Daviess  attacked  the  savages  at  the  moment  he  was  directed 
to  do  so  by  General  Harrison,  and  with  every  dragoon  who  had 
got  his  breeches  on,  and  whom  he  had  then  formed — and  that  he 
was  defeated  in  his  attempt  to  drive  the  enemy  from  their  lodg- 
ment, from  the  insufficiency  of  his  force,  and  the  want  of  support. 
*'  The  Indians  were,  however,  immediately  and  gallantly  dislodg- 
ed from  their  advantageous  position  by  Captain  Snelling,  at  the 
head  of  his  company,"  but  it  does  not  appear  that  Snelling,  in 
making  this  charge,  acted  under  the  direction  of  General  Harrison. 

In  a  few  minutes  after  the  battle  commenced,  says  General 
HarrisOi^v  "  the  fire  extended  along  the  leftjlank,  the  whole  of  the 
front,  the  right  flank,  and  part  of  the  rear  line."  This  shows  him 
to  have  been  completely  surrounded  at  the  moment  of  the  attack ; 
and  now  I  would  appeal  to  you,  sir,  and  to  the  judgment  of  every 
man  of  sense  in  the  whole  country,  whether  acquainted 
with  military  science  or  not,  if  this  could  have  been  effected  ay 
the  savages,  without  having  given  the  alarm  to  General  Harri- 


I     11 


son  and  his  army,  had  he  Bent  out  any  reasonable  n'imber  of 
pickets  and  established  proper  out-posts.  The  rear  angle  of  the 
lines  on  the  left  had  been  attacked  and  broken,  the  anele  on  the 
left  in  front  had  been  severely  attacked,  and  one  of  the  compa- 
nies driven  in— the  rear  angle  on  the  right,  had  been  as  violent- 
ly assailed,  as  well  as  the  company  covering  the  intervening 
ground  between  the  two  lines  on  the  right ;  and  if  they  were  not 
broken,  they  had  suffered  so  much,  that  it  had  been  necessary 
to  reinforce  them.  Thus  was  our  brave  countrymen  sorely  beset, 
when — "  as  the  approach  of  morning  discovered  itself.  General 
Harrison  withdrew  from  his  front  and  rear  line,  four  companies 
which  he  drew  up  on  the  leil,  and  two  companies  which  he  sent 
to  the  right,  foreseeing,  (as  he  sayn  he  did,)  that  at  these  points 
the  enemy  would  make  their  last  effort."  Major  Wells,  who 
commanded  on  the  left  flank,  «  not  knowing  General  Harrison's 
intentions,  precise'y,  had  taken  the  command  of  these  companies, 
and  charged  the  3nemy,  before  the  general  had  formed  the  dra- 
goons, with  which  he  meant  to  support  the  infantry."  JTie  In- 
dians vxre  routed  and  driven  by  Major  Wells—hut  certainly,  this 
gallant  achievement  of  his,  could  not  be  placed  to  the  credit  of 
the  military  skill  of  General  Harrison,  who  did  not  even  direct  it. 
and  of  whose  intentions  the  gallant  Wells  was  ignorant  at  the 
time  he  made  the  movement.  Captain  Cook  and  Lieutenant 
Larabee  having  arrived  on  the  right  flank  with  their  companies, 
and  being  join^  by  the  riflemen  of  that  flank,  charged  the  In- 
dians, killed  a  number,  and  put  the  rest  to  a  precipitate  flight. 
But  neither  this  gallant  act,  which  drove  the  Indians  entirely  ofii 
and  terminated  the  engagement,  could  be  given  to  the  credit  of 
General  Harrison,  as  he  does  not  claim  to  have  ordered  it,  and 
he  states  himself  to  have  been  engaged,  at  the  time,  on  the  other 
flank.  Thus  examining  the  conduct  of  General  Harrison  at 
Tippecanoe,  from  the  account  furnished  by  himself,  it  appears  he 
had  little  hand  in  the  movements  which  resulted  in  the  dispersing 
of  the  Indians,  and  that  every  charge  that  was  made  by  nis  for- 
ces upon  them,  except  the  one  conducted  by  Major  Daviess,  (6.) 

(8.)  The  following  has  appeared  in  the  "  Log  Cabin,"  as  a  note  to  an 
extract  from  Burr's  Life  of  Harrison;  and  if  it  is  true,  then  even  the  at- 
tack made  by  Major  Daviess,  did  not  originate  with  Gen.  Harrison;  and 
therefore,  whether  that  act  brought  honor  or  blame,  it  should  not  be 
charged  to  Gen.  Harrison. 

"  Upon  theiirst  alarm,  the  Governor  mounted  his  horse,  and  proceeded 
toward  the  point  of  attack;  and  finding  the  line  much  weakened  there, 
lie  ordered  two  companies  from  the  centre  of  the  rear  line  to  march  up, 
and -form  across  the  angle  in  the  rear  of  Barton's  and  Geiger's  companies. 
In  passing  through  the  camp  toward  the  left  of  the  frontline,  he  met  with 
Major  Daviess,  who  informed  him  that  the  Indians,  concealed  behind 


!:,;_- 


54 


i  1 


In'  |il 


which  vas  a  pecnTiarly  unfortunate  one,  waa  mad'c  without  anjr 
directioDH  from  him.  Hence,  it  is  plain  and  palpable,  that  the 
arrangement  of  the  army,  in  which  there  was  exhibited  bo  much  re* 
missness  and  weakness,  as  to  provoke  t^e  savages  to  make  their 
attach^  was  the  offspring  of  the  mind  of  Greneral  Harrison,  him-^ 
self,  while  all  those  gallant  acts  which  repulsed  the  enemy,  and 
put  them  to  flight,  were  performed  without  his  direction,  and 
•would  have  all  been  done,  if  he  had  not  been  there. 

That  the  forces  of  GJeneral  Harrison  should  have  conducted 
themselves  with  coolness  and  determined  bravery  in  the  defence 
of  this  eamp,  was  to  bu  expected — for  they  were  brave  men;  and/ 
then,  they  had  no  choice — as  it  was  death  or  victory. 

There  was  some  attempt  by'General  Harrison,  in  drawing  up> 
his  account  of  the  Battle  oi  Tippecanoe,  to  gloss  over  his  ex- 
tremely culpable  conduct  in  that  unfortunate  and  deplorable  af- 
fair ;  and  with  this  view  he  exultingly  adds  a  postscript  to  bis  let- 
ter, in  which  he  states  ♦*  that  not  a  man  of  his  waa  taken  prison- 
er ;  and  that  of  three  scalps  taken  bi/  the  Indians ftwo  of  them  were 
recovered.**  To  say  nothing  of  the  fact  that  the  Indians  had  been 
permitted  to  penetrate  his  lines,  and  to  kill  and  scalp  hii"*  men 
within  his  camp — it  was  u  very  strange  matter  to  boast  of,  ^haf 
the  Indians  took  none  of  his  men  prisoners  r  when  it  is  well  un- 
derstood, that  even  with  belligerents  who  are  civilized,  it  is  not 
usual  for  the  party  making  an  assault  to  take  prisoners  until  they 
shall  have  become  successful^  and  that  the  savages  seldom  take 
prisoners  m  battle  at  all;  and  the  more  strange  was  hia  boastings 
when  he  accompanied  it  with  the  statement,  that  his  loss 
amounted  to  one  hundred  and  eighty-eight,  killed  and  wounded, 
while  of  the  Indians,  all  he  could  make  out^  was  forty-six  kiWeAr 
and  one  wounded ;  which  one,  was  all  tl^  prisoner  taken  by  his 
army. 

In  a  letter  to  the  Secretary  of  War,  dated  Prophefs  Town, 
Nov.  8,  1811,  General  Harnson,  after  announcing  the  attack 
which  had  been  made  on  him  at  that  place  by  the  Indians^  says, 
♦'^  their  precipitate  retreat,  leaving  a  number  of  their  warriors 
dead  on  the  field,  and  the  subsequent  abandonment  of  their  town r 
attest  for  us  a  complete  and  decisive  victory  f"  and  auch  a  vic- 
tory r  Having  thrown  himself  a  willing  sacrifice  within  the 
grasp  of  tiie  savages,  presenting  before  them  every  indacement 
to  attempt  his  surprise ;  and,  then,  when  his  men,  rouse*  from 
their  slumbers  by  the  yells  of  the  savages,  were  enabled  by  their 


some  trees  nea»  the  line,  were  annoying  the  troops  very  severely  in  that 
Cfuarter,  and  reqnested permission  to  dislodge  them.  In  attempting  this  ex- 
ploit he  fell  mortally  wounded,  as  did  Col.  Isaac  White  of  Indiana,  whc 
acted  as  a  volunteer  in  his  troop." — Judge  HulL 


I 

m 


!''!■■ 


pw« 


55 

own  superior  prowess,  to  repel  them—but  not  without  the  loss 
of  many  of  the  most  valuable  citizens  of  our  country — shall 
General  Harrisoi;  for  this,  be  dubbed  a  hero?  The  Indians 
having  been  repulsed,  abandoned  their  town,  and  when  it  contain- 
ed not  a  savage.  General  Harrison  took  possession  of  it,  and 
of  5000  bushels  of  corn,  and  then  burned  the  town;  but  the  In- 
dians had  previously  captured  and  carried  off  all  his  beef,  and  a 
great  number  of  his  horses ;  (9.)  and  with  this  result,  and  no 
other,  ended  the  campaign ;  and  do  such  services  give  him 
claims  to  the  suffrages  of  our  people  ? 

After  thus  reviewing  the  conduct  of  General  Harrison,  in  hia 
campaign  against  the  Indians,  I  cannot  regard  it  otherwise  than 
as  discreditable  to  himself  as  a  military  commander,  and  ex- 
tremely unfortunate  in  its  result  to  our  country.  Tne  fall  of  the 
brave  men  whom  he  sacrificed  at  Tippecanoe,  was  really  a  na- 
tional loss.  The  Indians  were  in  no  manner  humbled.  In  the 
next  season,  (1812,)  we  found  them  equally  hostile,  arrayed 
against  us  with  our  worse  than  savage  foes — the  British.  The 
conduct  of  General  Harrison  is  the  more  to  be  condemned  from 
the  fact,  that  the  eff"°*i!i  of  blood  might  have  been  avoided  if  he 
had  pursued  a  prompt,  energetic  and  vigilant  course  towards  the 
Indians  from  the  moment  of  his  arriving  within  their  country,  as 
no  reasonable  person  can  doubt  that  it  was  his  remissness  and 
his  vascilating  course  with  the  Indians,  which  provoked  them  to 
attempt  his  destruction  by  surprise ;  and  what  advantage  resul.. 
€d  to  our  country  from  the  destruction  of  5000  bushels  of  corn, 
(which  had  teen  produced  by  the  labor  of  the  women  </  the  tn- 
dians,  for  their  own  and  their  children's  8upport,)and  the  b  jrning  of 
their  houses  in  the  edge  of  winter  1  None,  certainly ;  unless  the 
immediate  driving  of  the  savages  to  the  British,  where  they  were 
clothed  and  fed,  and  then  arrayed  against  us,  might  be 
regarded  as  such  !  As  a  benevolent  act,  it  could  not  be  highly 
estimated,  when  we  reflect  that  it  might  have  been  avoided ! 

Such,  sir,  is  a  picture  of  General  Harrison  as  a  military  cl  lef- 
tain,  without  distortion  or  false  coloring.    It  exhibits  him  as  a 


(9.)  The  Tippecanoe  Text-Book,  says:— 

"  After  the  battle,  Governor  Harrison  took  possession  of  about  five 
thousand  bushels  of  corn,  belonging  to  the  Indians,  and  burne<l  the  Pro- 
phet's Town,"  and  cites  Niles'  Register,  Vol.  I.  page  238,  where  I  read 
the  following:— 

"Hunter,  (one  of  General  Harrison's  adjutants,)  states  that  the  Indians 
got  all  their  beef,  and  a  great  number  of  their  horses;  tliey  got  about  five 
thousand  bushels  of  corn,  and  burned  the  Prophet's  Town  the  day  after 
the  action." 

In  every  publication  of  the  British  Whigs,  I  detect  deceptions  like  thi«. 
I  find  they  have  also  given  as  the  killed  and  wounded  at  Tippecanoe,  of 
the  Americans,  a  much  less  number  than  General  Harrison. 


Ml 
f  I 


56 


it 

1 ,    ; 

$ 

'■  I'j! 

governor  and  a  general  while,  in  the  proudest  days  of  his  man- 
hood and  the  fullest  vigor  of  his  life  and  is  he  shown  to  be  such 
a  man  as  you  would  choose,  now  that  he  is  in  the  sere  and  yeU 
low  leaf,  as  the  chief  magistrate  of  our  country,  and  the  com- 
mander-in-chief of  our  armies?  Was  his  conduct  at  Tippeca- 
noe such  as  should  give  him  honor — and  that  should  be  held  in 
remembrance  by  the  formation  of  Tippecanoe  clubs]  Were  his 
deeds  there,  such  as  should  be  celebrated  with  processions,  ban- 
ners, badges  and  songs  1  If  for  such  conduct  as  that  displayed 
by  General  Harrison  at  Tippecanoe,  men  are  to  be  dubbed  he- 
roes, and  to  receive  honor  and  praise,  then,  indeed,  sir,  we  may 
ask,  what  is  the  price  of  honor,  and  what  is  the  value  of  glory  ami 
fame  ? 

In  this  critique  on  the  conduct  of  General  Harrison,  (  reported 
by  himself,)  at  the  battle  of  Tippecanoe,  (which  I  have  drawn 
up  with  the  single  motive  of  exiiibiting  his  fitness  to  meet  the 
responsibilities  and  to  perform  the  duties  of  the  office  for  which 
he  is  proposed,  and  not  with  a  desire  to  treat  him  with  any  per- 
sonal disrespect,)  I  have  exhibited  a  fair  representation  of  the  man 
at  thirty-eight  years  of  age,  ana  his  capacity  for  high  responsibili- 
ties at  that  time.  I  will  now  pass  over  twenty-nine  years  of  his 
life,  by  briefly  noticing  his  several  performances  as  a  military 
chieftain,  and  show  you  what  he  is  with  sixty -seven  years  mark- 
ed upon  his  brow,(IO.)  that  you  may,  sir,  judge  of  his  capacity 
now  to  perform  any  high  trusts ;  but  with  his  private  character 
I  claim  not  to  meddle. 

A  short  time  since,  during  the  present  month,  as  you  will  have 
seen  by  the  newspapers,  the  British  Whigs  of  Ohio,  Indiana  and 
Michigan,  congregated  at  Perrysburgh,  (Fort  Meigs,)  in  a  large 
body,  to  hear  a  speech  from  General  Harrison.  The  meet- 
ing was  said  to  have  been  convened  for  the  purpose  of  celebrating 
the  anniversary  of  «« a  victory  achieved  by  the  American  arms 
over  those  of  Great  Britain,"  (as  an  affair  has  been  called  which 
took  place  during  the  the  late  war,  on  that  ground,  between  the 
military  forces  of  the  two  nations,)  yet  it  is  well  known  that  the 
meeting  was  got  up  by  the  British  Whigs,  for  the  purpose  of  be- 
ing made  to  serve  the  interest  of  their  party,  and  that  General 
Harrison  was  brought  there  expressly  in  order  to  enable  them 
to  make  an  exhibition  of  their  candidate  for  the  presidency,  for 
whom  thty  claim  merit,  not  so  much  for  his  talents  and  capacity 
now  to  serve  the  people,  as  for  his  fast  services,  for  which  rea- 
sons  General  Harrison,  instead  of  declaring  his  views  in  rela- 
tion to  any  of  the  great  political  qvisstions  engrossing  the  pub- 
lic mind,  and  which  form  the  distinctive  characters  of  the  two 

(10.)  In  a  recent  speech  maue  al  n  public  meeting  in  Ohio,  by  Gen.  Har- 
risuu,  lie  slated  hinuelf  to  be  67  years  of  age. 


67 

political  parties,  confined  himself  in  his  speech  to  a  statement  of 
h.s  oion  services,  in  the  relation  of  which,  however,  he  avowed 
some  principles  deserving  of  consideration  and  remark. 

I  have  no  desire  to  tri^ewith  a  subject  so  grave  and  important 
in  its  bearing  as  this  1  have  under  consideration,  but  I  cannot 
refrain  from  stating  the  fact,  that  while  perusing  this  speech  of 
General  Harrison,  my  mind  involuntarily  reverted  to  a  story  I 
had  once  read,  in  a  work  entitled  Gil  Bias,  by  Le  Sage,  wherein 
it  was  related  that  on  a  time  when  an  old  and  imbecile  bishop  had 
been  holding  forth  to  a  congregation,  it  was  said  by  some,  "that  his 
sermDn  had  the  appoplexy ;"  and  then  the  ipripression  forced  it- 
self upon  me,  that  General  Harrison's  speech  might  albo  have 
a  little  touch  of  the  a  apoplexy  about  it. 

Having  enumerated,  but  not  described,  his  own  important  ser- 
vices— (which  our  country  had  not  before  been  advised  of, 
nor  does  it  now  acknowledge,)  services  which  he  claims  to 
have  rendered  at  the  Thames,  at  Seneca  Town  and  at  Fort 
Meigs ;  (at  which  places,  however,  by  his  vascillating  and  unof- 
ficer  like  conduct  he  created  a  disaffection  among  his  forces, 
amounting  almost  to  a  mutiny;  and  then,  when  there  were  serious 
imputations  resting  against  him,  and  in  circulation  throughout 
the  state  of  Ohio,  instead  of  throwing  himself  upon  a  court  of 
inquiry,  for  an  investigation  of  his  conduct,  as  it  is  customary 
with  military  commanders,  he  caused  his  inferior  and  subordi- 
nate officers  to  sign  a  certificate  of  character,(ll.)  a  proceeding 
most  extraordinary  in  its  course  and  unbecoming  the  character 


(11.)  Extract  of  a  letter  from  Col.  Croeihan  to  General  Harrison: 

'''New-Orleans,  May  24,  1825. 
"  Sir — 1  unwillingly  renew  our  correspondence,  which  I  had  thought  fi- 
nally closed  with  my  letter  of  the  13th  Aug.  1818,  and  that  I  do  so,  will  be 
received  by  you  as  an  evidence  that  my  feelings  towards  you  are  at  least 
not  hostile.  Did  I  not  literally  sacrifice  myself  to  save  you  ?  Did  I  not, 
at  a  moment  when  the  excitement  against  you  throughout  the  whole  state 
of  Ohio,  amounting  to  general  clamor,  when  there  was  almost  mutiny  in 
your  very  camp  at  Seneca,  do  every  thing  that  you  and  your  friends  re- 
quired of  me  as  necessary  to  reinstate  you  in  the  good  opinion  of  the  peo- 
ple and  of  the  army  ?  The  access  of  our  army  required  that  you,  the 
general-in-chief,  should  have  the  confidence  of  all ;  and  to  insure  that,  I 
signed  addresses,  without  reading  them,  because  I  was  told  that  it  was 
necessary;  wrote  letters  approving  tliroughout  your  conduct,  and  subject 
10  your  corrections,  without  asking  what  they  might  be,  because  I  was  as- 
sured by  members  of  your  family  that  you  yourself  believed  that  on  my 
expressions  in  relation  to  you  much  depended.  But  of  what  I  did  for 
you,  enough — of  what  you  have  done  for  me,  there  is  nothing  to  be  told. 
You  have  personally  pledged  yourself  to  correct  any  false  impressions 
that  may  have  been  created  by  the  publication  of  the  two  works  above 
mentioned;  in  a  word,  to  apeak  of  all  things  in  relation  to  the  transac- 
tions in  Sandusky  as  they  deserve." 


w 


i-A 


if 


68 

of  a  commander  of  an  army,)  General  Harrison  made  thefolloW' 
ing  notable  declaration : 

"  Feeling  my  respomibiUly,  I  personally  anperviacd  and  directed  the 
arrangement  of  the  army  under  my  command.  I  trusted  to  no  colonel  or 
other  officer.  No  [other\  person  had  any  handin  any  disposition  of  the  army. 
Every  atep  of  warfare,  whether  for  good  or  ill,  woa  taken  under  my  own 
direction,  and  by  noneother.''(ll.) 

if  this  statement,  egotistical  and  egregiously  false  as  it  is,  had 
been  made  in  relation  to  f  ^neral  Harrtson'ti  responsibilities  as 
one  of  our  military  commai.ders,  by  some  of  his  political  friends, 
who  made  no  pretensions  to  a  knowledge  of  the  details  of  an  ar< 
my,  it  might  have  passed  well  enough  for  a  political  puff.  But 
coming  as  it  does,  directly  from  the  mouth  of  a  man  who  has 
passed,  as  he  there  stated,  through  all  grades  from  "  a  Lieutenant 
under  Wayne,  in  1793,  to  that  of  Major-General  and  Comman« 
der-in-Chiei  of  the  North  Western  Army,  nineteen  years  after," 
I  can  conceive  no  apology  for  it,  and  I  am  utterly  unable  to  ac- 
count for  such  statement,  by  a  person  who  has  commanded  an 
army,  unless  it  be  charged  to  the  imbecility  of  age. 

If  you  have  hopes  for  your  country,  you  must  found  those  hopes 
upon  the  probable  result  of  a  conflict  of  arms,  as  experience  has 
shown  that  blood  is  the  only  price  of  political  freedom.  Then, 
though  I  would  not  have  you  frightened  by  the  vain  boastings  of 
an  old  man,  just  after  taking  a  swig  of  hard  ciier,(13.)  yet,  sir, 
elect  General  Harrison  President  of  these  United  Stales,  and 
you  will  have  him  established  a  heko!  and  these  remarks  of  Itis  I 
have  quoted,  as  well  as  every  other  foolish  thing  he  may  have 
been  induced  to  utter  in  relation  to  military  operations,  will  be 
chronicled  by  the  people  of  this  country  and  of  the  Canadas,  who 
are  not  the  best  instructed  in  the  manner  of  the  operations  of 
the  battle  field,  as  the  opinions  of  a  sage  in  military  affairs. 
Let  these  statements  of  his  own  proceedings  be  accepted  aa  a 
rule,  and  reckless,  indeed,  must  be  that  man  of  his  reputation 
and  fame,  who  would  attempt  to  organize  or  command  an  army 

(12.)  What  did  General  Harrison  say,  when  he  was  not  quite  so  old  ? 
Read  his  speech  in  the  United  States  Senate,  February  16,  1827,  on  the 
project  of  establishing  a  naval  school.    Here  is  an  extract: 

'•  1  feel  proud  to  say,  that  the  defence  of  Fort  Meigs,  at  which  I  com- 
manded, CHIEFLY  depended  7ipon  the  scientific  exertions  of  a  man  to  ichom 
it  is  due  that  his  worth  should  here  be  attested  by  me.  I  allude  to  the  late 
Major  Wood,  a  man  who  combined  many  valuable  qualities,  and  who 
bade  fair  to  have  risen  to  a  high  point  of  professional  eminence.  Your 
commander  had  not  sufficient  science  to  have  successfully  defended  the  fort. 
tvUhout  tlie  ASSISTANCE  of  that  individual." 

(13.)  General  Harrison,  while  speaking  at  Fort  Meigs,  took  a  drink  of 
hardcider.    So  says  the  British  Whig  papers. 


.;.  'i,^. 


m. 


59 


i  u3  a 


in  this  country  or  the  Canadas,  which  should  be  composed  of 
Americans.  If  a  commander  should  follow  the  course  declared  to 
have  been  pursued  by  General  Harrison,  ♦»  and  trusted  no  colo- 
nel or  other  ofHcer,"  and  assumed  those  duties  himself  which  are 
usually  performed  by  the  commanders  of  divisions  and  brigades, 
the  chiefs  of  battalions,  the  commanders  of  companies,  and  the 
officers  and  non-commissioned  officers  of  squads,  he  would  with- 
out any  doubt,  feel  his  responsibilities.  But  where  shall  that  man 
be  found,  (after  the  race  of  the  Harrison's  are  gone,)  of  no  more 
than  human  strength  and  human  intellect,  with  the  versatility 
of  talents  and  ubiquity  of  character,  that  shall  enable  him  to 
shoulder  such  giant  responsibilities  ?  Such  responsibilities  would 
have  been  refused  by  a  Caesar,  and  a  Hannibal,  or  a  Scipio  would 
have  hesitated  to  assume  them. 

By  his  declaration  as  well  as  by  his  military  operations.  Ge- 
neral Harrison  has  set  at  nought  all  those  rules  of  the  art  of  war 
which  have  been  established  on  the  experience  of  a  Fredrick,  a 
Ma^'lborough  and  a  Wolf,  and  which  have  been  improved  upon 
by  Steuben,  Washington  and  Napoleon.  Harrison,  a  major-ge- 
neral, and  a  commander-in-chief,  and  he,  forsooth !  personally 
SUPERVISE  AND  DIRECT  the  arrangement  of  his  whole  army!  The 
idea  is  ridiculous !  But  if  it  were  so,  why !  tMen,  there  should 
have  been  some  little  saving  to  government  in  the  expense  of 
stationary,  as  the  reports  of  the  officers  and  sergeants  of  guards 
— adjutants'  returns — brigade  majors'  reports — and  adjutant  ge- 
nerals' reports  might  have  all  been  dispensed  with ;  as  the  ne- 
cessity for  them  was  entirely  superceded  by  the  personal  direct- 
ing of  the  commanding  general,  who  was  able  to  give  all  those 
matters,  in  one  single  general  report  of  the  army. 

Napoleon  said,  *'give  me  good  field  officers,  whom  I  can  trust, 
and  I  will  show  you  an  army."  The  (ield  officers  of  an  army 
are  its  sinews,  and  without  able  and  trusty  persons  to  fill  those 
stations,  any  force  would  be  but  a  mob,  liable  to  be  broken  at  the 
moment  of  attack,  and  capable  of  effecting  nothing.  But  General 
Harrison  declares  that  he  "  trusted  no  Colonel  or  other  officer." 
When,  before  this  have  we  heard  a  military  commander  attribu- 
ting to  himself  the  whole  credit  of  his  movements,  and  telling  his 
countrymen  that  his  officers  and  soldiers,  without  whose  exer- 
tions he  could  do  nothing,  were  entitled  to  no  merit  in  the  ac- 
tion 1  Think  you  that  a  Washington  or  a  Jackson  would  have 
spoken  thus  7  (14.) 

(14.)  When  Colonel  Johnson  was  received  on  a  recent  occasion  in  the 
city  of  New- York,  he  made  a  speech  in  reply  to  the  address  of  Alderman 
Purdy,  in  behalf  of  the  Common  Council,  from  which  I  extract  the  follow- 
ing manly  and  honorable  sentiment: 

"  I  do,  sir,  take  this  much  to  myself— I  have  served  my  conntry,  but 


60 

It  16  an  adage  with  military  men,  **thal  many  ffood  officers  make  a 
good  general;''''  and  any  one  who  possesses  the  emallest  knowledge 
of  the  details  of  an  army,  must  be  aware  that  it  is  but  little  that 
a  military  chieftain  (15.)  can  effect  unless  he  has^ood  officers,  in 
numbers,  in  whom  he  can  trust.  To  the  want  ofsuch,  the  fail- 
ure of  the  Canadians  in  all  their  late  revolutionary  movements, 
is  mainly  attributable. 

The  brigadiers  and  colonels  nf  an  army,  are  the  proper  advi- 
sers of  the  commander-in-chief.  It  is  them,  and  not  him,  who 
have  the  immediate  command  of  the  battalions,  and  who  lead 
them  into  action ;  and  if  the  general  would  not  trust  the  co- 
Jonele,  why !  they  would  not  trust  the  general.  Let  any  com- 
mander-in-chief of  an  army  assume  to  himself  to  play  colonel 
as  well  as  chieftain,  and  he  would  find  himself  very  soon  without 
colonels.  Let  him  attempt  'personally  to  supervise  and  direct  the 
arrangement  of  the  battalione,  and  his  chiefs  of  battalions  would 
leave  him  as  immediately  as  did  General  Harrison,  himself, 
abandon  the  service  of  the  United  States  during  the  late  war, 


the  merit  of  my  short  military  career  must  be  shared  with  others,  I  ne- 
ver allow  myself,  Mr.  Preiident,  to  bo  complimented  un  an  occasion  libo 
the  present,  without  remembering  the  brave  corps  who  shared  with  me 
the  perils  and  dangers  of  the  common  cause." 

What  would  Wolfe  have  said  of  such  a  statement,  who,  on  the  2d  of 
September,  1758,  while  he  was  with  the  British  army  before  Quebec, 
wroto  to  Mr.  Pitt  as  follows  :  "  I  begged  the  general  officers*  to  consult 
together  for  the  public  utility.  They  are  of  opinion,  that  as  more  ships 
and  provisions  are  now  yet  above  the  town,  they  should  try,  by  carrying 
a  corps  of  four  or  five  thousand  men,  which  is  nearly  the  whole  strength 
of  the  army,  after  the  points  of  Levi  and  Orleans  were  left  in  a  proper 
Mtatc  of  defonce,  to  draw  the  enemy  from  their  present  situation,  and  to 
Itring  them  to  an  action.  /  have  acquiesced  m  the  proposal,  and  we  ure 
preparing  to  put  it  in  execution  ;"  and  again  on  the  9th  of  September,  he 
wrote  to  Mr.  Pitt  as  follows  :  "  I  begged  the  generals  to  consider  among 
themselves,  wJiat  was  fittest  to  be  done.  Their  sentiments  were  wtani- 
iCMHs,  that  (as  the  easterly  winds  begin  to  blow,  and  ships  can  pass  tiie 
town  in  tho  night  with  provisions,  artillery,  &c.,)  we  should  endeavor, 
by  carrying  a  considerable  corps  into  the  upper  river,  to  draw  them  from 
Their  inaccessible  situation,  and  bring  them  to  an  action.  I  agreed  to  the 
proposal;  and  we  are  now  here  with  about  three  thousand  six  hundred 
men,  waiting  an  opportunity  to  attack  them,  when  and  wherever  they 
can  be  got  at  ?"  and  what,  I  ask,  would  any  military  man  say  to  such  a 
Ktutemcnt  as  this  of  General  Harrison's  ? 


*A11  the  colonels  in  chief  of  regiments  in  the  British  army,  are  also 
generals. 

(15.)  Tho  Maralukes  of  Egypt  have  but  one  officer — a  single  despotic 
master — and  for  a  warm  attachment  to  whom  they  are  remarked,  and 
whose  fortunes  they  generally  follow  with  unwearied  constancy.  "  But 
tFie  Mamlukes,"  says  Volney,  the  historian,  "  have  no  order,  discipline 


;i!" 


61 

because  he  found  himself  not  trusted  by  President  Madisim.(16.) 
In  all  well  organized  armies,  responsibility  is  attached  to  the 
stations  of  all,  from  the  commander-in-chief,  down  to  the  com- 
mon sentinel ;  and  the  idea  of  efficiency  in  any  military  force, 
where  the  commander-in-chief  "trusts  no  colonel  or  other  of- 
ficer," is  about  as  sensible  as  the  following  which  appears  in  the 
Tippecanoe  Text- Book,  from  General  Harrison's  recently  pub- 
lished life : 

"  It  was  justly  remarked  by  a  distinguished  political  writer  immediate- 
ly after  the  victory  of  the  Thames,  Lan  affair  >  which  General  Harrison 
did  not  happen  to  get  nigherthan  two  miles  distant,]  that  General  Harri- 
son had  added  a  new  mnnaenvre  tn  the  science  of  military  tactics — chargikg 

BAYONET  ON  HORSEBACK  !"  (17.) 

or  subordination.  Their  troops  are  a  mob — their  marcli  a  riot — their  bat- 
tles, duels,  and  their  war  a  scene  of  robbery  and  plunder;  and  experience 
has  proved  them  totally  inadequate  to  combat  with  the  organized  cavalry 
of  Europe,  though  their  whole  lives  have  been  spent  in  military  exerci- 
ses ;"  and  such  would  be  the  character  of  any  force  thus  organized. 

(16.)  On  this  point,  allow  me  to  show  an  extract  from  a  "  Life  of  Har- 
rison," published  by  his  political  friends.    It  is  thus: 

"  In  the  plan  for  the  ensuing  campaign,  to  the  surprise  of  the  public, 
General  Harrison  was  designated  for  a  service  far  removed  from  any  post 
of  danger,  and  inferior  to  that  which  ho  had  a  right  to  expect.  Regard- 
less of  the  memorable  victories(?)  which  this  gallant  and  experienced  of- 
ficer had  won,  and  unmindful  of  the  various  and  important  services  which 
he  had  rendered  to  his  country,  the  secretary  of  war,  (Armstrong,)  saw 
fit  to  assign  to  him  the  command  of  a  district,  where  he  would  be  compelled 
to  remain  inactive,  while  others  were  appointed  to  those  more  arduous 
duties  which  he  had  heretofore  performed  with  so  much  honor  to  himself 
and  to  the  nation.  As  if  still  unsatisfied  with  this  egregious  insult,  which 
he  had  offered  to  General  Harrison,  Secretary  Armstrong,  on  the  25th  of 
April,  1814,  appointed  a  subordinate  ofHcer  to  a  seperate  command  with- 
in bis  district,  and  at  the  same  time,  opened  a  correspondence  with  the  6uA- 
altems  of  the  anny  under  his  command;  and  even  went  so  far  as  to  issue 
orders  to  them  directly,  instead  of  communicating  his  orders  through  the 
commander,  a  course  which  good  discipline  required  to  be  observed,  and 
which  all  previous  practice  had  sanctioned.  On  the  receipt  of  this  intel- 
ligence, General  Harrison  instantly  addressed  a  letter  to  the  Secretary-, 
tendering  his  resignation,  with  a  notification  thereof  to  the  President." 

1  will  not  urge  that  General  Harrison  acted  improperly  for  a  man  who 
had  not  confidence  in  his  own  capacity,  when  he  tendered  his  resigna- 
tion: for  it  does  seem  that  the  course  of  conduct  pursued  by  the  then  ad- 
ministration towards  him,  was  a  very  frank  indication  on  the  part  of  the 
government,  that  his  services  were  no  longer  desired — or  at  least,  that  they 
were  not  held  iti  any  very  high  estimation  I  But,  why  should  he  have  com- 
plained, if  he  had  treated  his  own  officers  in  the  same  manner,  as  he 
says  he  did  ?  The  President  was  the  commander-in-chief  of  the  whole 
military  force  of  the  nation,  and  it  was  as  just  for  him  to  put  no  trust  in  Ge- 
neral Harrison,  .is  it  was  for  General  Harrison  to  put  no  trust  in  the  offi- 
cers who  were  pticed  under  his  command ! 

(17.)  If  a  commander-in-r'aief  trusu;  "no  colonel  or  other  officer"  with 


62 


fit 


m 


^  it'. 


The  only  advancement  of  any  principle  made  by  General  Har- 
rison in  hia  speech  at  Fort  Meigs,  was  a  declaration  in  fpvor  of 
the  pension  system — and  the  claim  of  a  pension  for  himselt. 

There  is  no  principle  more  at  variance  with  republican  institu- 
tione,  than  ih^lai  granting  pensions  to  individuals  for  services  per- 
formed as  public  officers.  Of  monarchy,  the  pension  system  is  the 
foundation,  and  of  an  aristocracy,  it  is  its  pillars.  Ip  Great  Bri- 
tain it  has  been  uised,  as  well  as  in  all  other  nations  of  Europe, 
to  BUfltnin  the  prerogative  of  the  crown,  and  a  titled  nobility  ;  and 
one  of  its  most  recent  acts  has  been  to  take  from  the  pockets  of 
the  laboring  people  of  Great  Britain,  an  annual  sum  of  $10,000, 
and  to  bestow  the  t^ame  upon  Sir  John  Colborn,  with  the  title  of 
Lord  Seaton,  as  a  reward  for  havitig  murdered  and  destroyed 
your  people,  and  laid  waste  your  country.  But  for  the  system  of 
granting  pensions,  which  is  used  by  monarchical  and  aristocrati- 
cal  governments  as  a  license  to  rob  the  many  to  enrich  the  few, 
the  oppressed  millions  would  no  longer  live  in  abject  and 
degraded  servitudp,  but  according  to  the  laws  of  their  own  being, 
would  fully  enjoy  the  birthright  of  their  creation.  To  assume 
it  here,  would  soon  put  an  end  to  civil  liberty  in  our  country ; 
and  if  it  could  be  supposed  that  the  people  of  your  country  were 
willing  to  re-establish  a  system,  so  destructive  in  its  operations 
to  political  freedom,  I  believe  that  the  desire  which  is  now  enter- 
tained by  a  large  portion  of  the  people  of  the  United  States,  for  the 
liberation  of  your  country  from  the  domination  of  Great  Britain, 
would  then  cease  to  exist. 

"  I  see  my  old  companions  here,"  said  General  Harrison.  '*  Would  to 
God  that  it  had  been  in  my  power,  to  have  made  them  comfortable  and 
happy — that  their  sun  might  go  down  in  peace.  But,  fellow-citizens, 
they  rcmiin  unprovided  for — mnnmnerits  of  thf  ingratilnde  of  my  country! 
It  was  with  the  {greatest  difficulty,  that  the  existing  pension  act,  was  pass- 
ed through  Congress.  [The  act  granting  pensions  to  the  soldiers  uf  the 
revolutitm.]  Why  were  the  brave  soldiers  who  fought  under  Wayne, 
excluded  ?  Soldiers,  who  suffered  far  more,  than  they  who  fought  in  the 
revolution  proper.  #**### 

•'  I  can  only  say,"  continued  he,  "  that  if  it  should  ever  be  in  my  pow- 
er to  pay  the  debt  which  is  due  these  brave,  but  neglected  men,  that  debt 
shall  first  of  all,  be  paid."  

the  arrangements  of  his  army,  and  he  falls  at  the  moment  he  is  attacked 
by  an  enemy,  the  army  must  necessarily  be  defeated  from  the  want  of  a 
second  officer,  acquainted  with  its  details,  to  command.  Such  was  the 
condition  of  most  of  the  ancient  Greek  armies  ;  and  the  loss  of  their  chief 
generally  proved  the  loss  of  the  battle.  But,  the  history  of  the  military 
operations  of  more  modern  times,  where  the  armies  have  not  consisted  of 
mere  "  master  and  slaves,"  but  officers  and  soldiers,  intelligent,  and  duly 
informed  of  the  matters  in  which  they  were  engaged,  and  all  having  their 
Irusts  and  their  responsibilities,  gives  us  accounts  of  many  battles,  among 
which  I  might  name  that  of  the  Plain?  of  Ahruham,  where  victories  have 
been  achieved  by  armies  after  their  chief  bad  fallen. 


63 


In  granting  pensions  to  the  soldiers  of  the  revolution,  our  go- 
vernment diabut  give  them  their  pay  for  their  services,  which 
they  had  not  before  rectived.  The  amo'uit  was  due  them.  Not 
80  with  the  soldiers  who  served  urder  vVrtyno.  They  received 
their  wages  in  good  and  current  money ;  and  there  was  no  im- 
propriety "in  excluding  the  soldiers  who  fought  under  Wayne," 
while  pensions  were  bestowed  on  those  "  who  fought  in  the  re- 
volution,"  for  their  claims  were  debts  which  we  owed  to  men 
who  had  perilled  their  lives  for  the  inestimable  blessings  which 
we  now  enjoy,  not  in  the  ordinary  capacity  of  soldiers — but  they 
had  battled  for  us  against  British  executioners,  by  whom,  if  they 
had  been  subdued,  they  would  have  been  led  to  the  scaffold ! 

«*I  have  said,"  says  General  Harrison,  "that  the  soldiers  un- 
der Wayne  experienced  greater  hardships,  even  than  the  soldiers 
of  the  revolution — and  it  is  so."  If,  in  this,  General  Harrison 
speaks  the  truth,  then,  indeed,  has  all  history  on  the  subject  lied. 
The  soldiers  ot  every  army  have  to  endure  more  or  less  of  pri- 
vations. But  where  could  the  soldiers  of  Wayne's  army  have 
endured  privations  a  id  sufferings,  which  should  compare  with 
those  of  the  soldiers  of  the  revoltion  ? 

If  pensions  were  granted  by  our  government  to  the  Indian  war- 
riors who  served  under  Wayne,  are  there  not  other  classes  now 
and  liKe  to  be  still  more,  of  Indian  warriors,  whose  clauns  are 
as  just  as  theirs  I  May  not  those  who  served  at  Tippecanoe, 
those  wh"  served  with  .Johnson  at  the  Thames,  those  who  served 
with  Jarkson  in  the  Seminole  war,  and  those  who  are  now  on 
eervices  in  the  Floridas,  put  in  equal  claims  1  In  think  so,  and  that 
we  might  go  on  and  pension  half  the  nation  if  we  should  once 
adopt  and  act  upoi:  General  Harrison's  principle,  which  is  like 
unto  John  Randolph'*-  i.  e.  *<J?ve  loaves  and  two  fishes.**  For  you 
must  understand  that  if  pensions  were  granted  to  those  who 
served  in  Wayne's  army,  it  is  WILLIAM  HENRY  HARRI- 
SON who  would  gain  the  most  by  it,  as  he,  a  captain  in  that 
army,  would  hold  ihe  first,  place  on  the  list  of  the  highest  grade 
of  pensioners,  which  would  secure  to  him  the  comfortable  allow- 
ance of  FORTY  DOLLARS  PER  MONTH,  for  the  remainder 
of  his  life,  and  this  added  to  the  $200,000  he  has  already  re- 
ceived from  the  public  treasury  of  •♦  his  ungrateful  country," 
would  unquestionably  make  him  quite  "hippy,"  and  allow  "his 
sun  to  go  down  in  peace." 

Now,  sir,  if  it  is  shown,  (as  asserted  in  a  number  of  British 
Whig  papers  in  1836,)  *^that  General  Harrison  is  a  man  of  no 
particular  respectability  of  character,  icholly  obscure  as  to  talentSy 
and  decidedly  insignificant,  so  far  as  needed  abilities  areconcemedy 
for  ihe  high  office  forwhich  he  is  proposed,**  and  that  he  has  avowed 
notions  in  regard  to  military  operations,  which  if  adopted  as  a 


64 


mn 


criterion,  would  have  the  effect  to  frustrate  any  military  move- 
ments which  might  hereafter  be  attempted  to  achieve  the  inde« 
pendence  of  the  Canada n,  these  afibrd  a  gooc'.  reason  why  you, 
as  well  as  every  other  well  wisher  of  our  democratic  institutions, 
ought  not  to  desire  his  elevation  to  the  Chief  £Iagistracy  of  this 
nation. 

The  high  statior^  which  was  first  filled  by  a  Washington  and 
then  by  a  Jefierson,  should  never  be  oc.upikd  but  by  men  of  •*  sut 
perior  and  splendid  talents,"  whose  political  opinions  are  well 
kncwn  and  established  by  a  long  public  career.  Such  is  con- 
ceded to  Mr.  Van  Buren,  even  by  his  political  opponents ;  and 
the  British  Whig  party  have  many  such  men  in  their  ranks. 
They  number  with  their  party,  men  of  the  most  splendid  talents 
in  1  he  Union ;  yet  they  propose  no  such  man  to  the  people  as  a 
candidate  for  the  presidency,  but  offer  an  individual  who  is  con- 
fessedly destitute  of  all  such  qualities,  whom  they  cause  to  as- 
sume as  mar'^  shapes  as  Proteus,  and  to  profess  every  manner 
of  principle  to  suit  their  purposes  in  the  different  sections  of 
our  country.  Is  not  this  then,  evidence  not  to  be  doubted,  that 
the  British  Whig  party  entertain  principles  so  adverse  to  the 
true  interests  of  our  people,  that  they  dare  not  go  to  them  with 
a  candidate  for  their  suffrages  who  has  been  identified  with  those 
principles  ?  So  it  presents  itself  to  ma.  From  such  a  party  you 
have  ro  favors  to  expect  for  the  cause  of  your  country;  and  should 
they  so  fa.  succeed  in  their  course  of  fraud  with  our  people,  as  to 
obtain  the  elestion  of  General  Harrison,  we  shall  find  that  a 
residence  in  the  White  House  at  Washington,  will  no  more  con- 
etitute  him  an  able  and  high  minded  President,  than  the  wearing 
of  a  sword  would  make  him  a  great  general ;  and,  then,  among 
the  evils  to  our  country  which  would  result  from  the  elevation  of 
a  mau  of  ordinary  talents  and  capacity,  it  would  not  be  the  least* 
that  it  increases  the  number  of  aspiranle,  and  forms  a  precedent 
for  men  of  small  parts  to  put  themselves  up  for  this  high 
station — which  is  lessened  in  its  value  as  often  as  it  is 
filled  by  inferior  men.  But,  as  the  people  of  these  United 
States  have  heretofore  determined  that  they  would  not  trust  the 
administration  of  our  government  in  the  hands  of  either  Henry 
Clay  or  Daniel  Webster — I  am  not  yet  prepared  to  believe  that 
they  can  be  so  cheated  as  to  allow  those  same  individuals,  under 
the  name  of  William  Henry  Harrison,  to  seize  upon  the  reins  of 
the  government,^ 

Sir,  I  am. 

Very  respectfully, 

Your  obedient  servant,    * 

TH:  J.  SUTHERLAND. 


in,  111 


movc- 
s  inde« 
jy  you, 
utione, 
of  this 

on  and 
)f  "  su- 
e  well 

is  COD- 

s;  and 
ranks, 
talents 
lie  as  a 
is  con. 
to  a.s- 
nanner 
tions  of 
;d,  that 
to  the 
m  with 
h  those 
rty  you 
should 
e,  as  to 
that  a 
re  con- 
/earing 
among 
ilion  of 
e  least, 
jcedent 
is  high 
s  it  is 
United 
rust  the 
Henry 
!ve  that 
>,  under 
reins  of 


lND. 


■■''1       :  '.T 


